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Education system is situated in formal educational and pedagogical institutions. However, considering that schools are not the only places for education, this paper examines the possibilities of teaching sociology in museums as a form of out-of-classroom learning. Teaching sociology in a museum provides opportunities for developing lasting basic knowledge and life-long learning, establishing and developing aesthetic and critical thinking aspects of students' personalities, and observing personal lives and experiences within a wider social context. The paper shows suggestions for this type of out-of-classroom learning, teacher's role in planning and visiting museums, teaching methods and units that can be attained in this form of learning, and a museum as an educational instrument. Learning through collaboration with other institutions in the local community shifts the learning context towards more complex cognitive processes. In the process of joint processing of a phenomenon, constructive discussion is encouraged and carried out in an unconventional form of class. At the same time, the cooperation between the local community and the school is being improved because the school upgrades its role of knowledge transfer to the role of a living centre in the community, and the school is actively involved in the needs of the local community. Among the teaching methods applicable to teaching in a museum, we have singled out a dialogical method and an interactive method because of their closeness to the constructivist approach in which the process of acquiring knowledge is conceived as the creation of the individual and the product of constructions. The essence of the teaching process in modern education lies in competencies among which the most important is that a student learns to learn and apply the acquired knowledge in practice.

The paper discusses how war veterans perceive themselves and how they answer the question 'Who am I?'. War veterans face many challenges in the process of re-socialization from a state of war and war traumatization to a peacetime society. There are several reasons why their re-socialization is a slow process: the first one is that a war engagement is in itself a highly stressful situation which carries traumas of different degrees, the other reason is the changed system of values in relation to war engagement. Namely, at the time they went to war, they had a strong social support, but at the time of their return and today this support is lost to the point of judgment. And the third reason which limits their re-socialization is the situation of social transition they found on their return from war, which specifically means that a large percentage of the population in general, and thus the war veterans after returning from the war, lost their jobs, creating a large social group of 'transition losers'. Such a condition often generates an identity crisis. This set of socio-cultural circumstances together with the ontological insecurity carried by war trauma generate an identity crisis, which is manifested among the respondents in nihilistic answers when responding to questions about their own personality. Studying the identity of war veterans, it was found that a strong attachment to the veteran identity is dominant. In fact, this paper discusses the different ways in which this attachment is refracted in the personality and identity of subjects, from negative attitudes to the pride in belonging to a group of war veterans and personal fulfillment in the activism in associations of war participants.

Entrepreneurial inclinations of women from rural areas are shaped by the lack of business ideas and economic capital, which, in addition to financial resources, includes cultural capital in the form of knowledge and skills. The paper presents a part of a broader study on the social position of women from the rural areas of northern Kosovo and Metohija, conducted in 2013. The research was predominantly focused on entrepreneurial inclinations of rural women, and the findings suggest that private enterprise in the studied population is undeveloped as a result of two dominant reasons. The first reason is the situation which is unfavorable in terms of politics and security, and therefore, not conducive to investment security, together with the specificity in the form of complex administrative business conditions requiring compliance to parallel and mutually incompatible standards (of the Republic of Serbia and of the UNMIK administration). The second important reason for the lack of entrepreneurial initiatives is the lack of ownership of property and the means of production, since banks do not give loans without guarantees in the form of ownership of the mortgage, while other forms of financial incentives are unavailable. The respondents attended programs for acquiring new knowledge and skills only in a small number of cases, while showing the greatest susceptibility to education in traditional skills, such as training in agriculture and handicrafts, which are not the skills in line with the needs of the labor market. As the most important reasons that -prevent them from having their own business, the respondents -mentioned: the lack of ideas and the lack of financial resources. In this regard, they would find incentives in the form of grants most helpful to start their own business. The absence of funds and gender inequality form the basis for the lack of ownership of property and means of production. In addition to the shortage of financial resources, knowledge and skills, entrepreneurial inclinations of rural women from northern Kosovo and Metohija are inhibited by: the limited freedom of movement of goods and services, the lack of access to financial institutions aimed at developing small and medium-sized enterprises, and the uncertainty of investing in areas with a high investment risk. The unstable political circumstances create a series of obstacles, -specific and incompatible procedures for the registration and operation of enterprises within the laws of the Republic of Serbia and the UNMIK administration being one of them. In addition to structural changes, it is necessary to work on increasing the social capital of rural women by nurturing the culture of association and organization. In addition to investments in social skills, it is very important to expand education programs for rural population with alternative educational programs related to labor market needs (courses in foreign languages, art, computer science, etc.). Finally, it is necessary to help maintaining authentic cultural activities that would bring entertainment and incite a desire to participate in community life.

The paper deals with the attitude of the newly formed state government in Yugoslavia, after the Second World War, towards war veterans, in the period between the enactment of the first and second constitutions of the Communist Yugoslavia, the period of the Federal People's Republic of Yugoslavia (1946-1963). On the example of social protection of the fighters and their symbolic representation, especially through sculpture as the most suggestive and the most communicative medium for transmitting symbolic messages, the aim of the paper is to establish what the social position of the war veterans was in that historical period, and also to point to the important knowledge that the social protection of veterans, war invalids, as well as the families of the fallen soldiers was at an enviable level and that the new government immediately saw the importance of the symbolic representation of valuable ideals through the medium of sculpture also. In the newly formed Federal People's Republic of Yugoslavia (FPRY, 1945-1963), nurturing the revolutionary tradition and the legacy of the People's Liberation War were priority social tasks.

The fighters of the People's Liberation War (PLW) enjoyed the social prestige and the monuments of the killed fighters served the role of the ideological interests of the ruling class at the time. The aim of this paper is to show the link between the alive social actors and the chosen dead ones (fighters of the PLW, partisans) through the use of the anthropological anxiety of the cessation of life through metaphorical immortality and eternal memory. Essentially, this was the illusion for ideological foundation, special thematic and ideological orientation of sculptures within the public space. Via symbolic contents, such as monuments in this case, death is shown as the transition, that is, new beginning of life and not its end. Active involvement of a number of artists from all parts of former Yugoslavia within the units of the Partisan army in the PLW is the phenomenon which unequivocally testifies about the link of their political commitment and artistic creation, which also got particularly strong momentum immediately after the Liberation. The most important social task in the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (SFRY) was nurturing of the revolutionary tradition, especially seen in the erection of memorials, then in (re)naming of the towns with Tito's name or the names of the local heroes, as well as streets, schools, factories, but also in organizing marches to places where the famous battles and Partisan sessions during the PLW occurred, etc. This paper, among other things, deals with extremely fruitful production of the sculptors in the liberated country, especially from the aspect of extensive social orders, which at the same time encouraged and enabled fast and diverse development of the public monuments within urban areas on the ground of the whole former Yugoslavia, whose modus operandi was reshaping of the political and ideological map of The New Yugoslavia and ideological and political battle with "relapses of the past".