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A comparative analysis of sustainable development in the category of economic order at the regional level has been carried out. A comparison of the level of implementation of the guidelines for economic order in Polish provinces has been made. The following research questions were formulated: Q1: What are the methods to apply in order to assess the level of sustainable development in the light of the plethora of the strategic goals of sustainable development and the implementation indicators of these goals; Q2: Do Polish provinces implement the assumptions of the sustainable development strategy with comparable efficiency. The following hypotheses were formulated: H1: The objects under research show significant differences in terms of the taxonomic distances between the synthetic measure of development which confirms the validity of applying the multidimensional analysis for measuring the levels of sustainable development; H2: Polish provinces differ significantly in terms of the level of sustainable development in the category of economic order. The aim of this article is to objectively measure the progress in the implementation of the goals of the sustainable development strategy in the category of economic order by Polish provinces. In order to meet the formulated goal, a synthetic measure was built with a view to defining the implementation level of the goals formulated in the sustainable development strategy in the category of economic order.

Two renowned French economists Antoine Brunet and Jean-Paul Guichard are the authors of the interesting book entitled "China the international hegemonic leader? Professor Guichard from a University in Nice deals with the economic analysis as well as with the international relations and Antoine Brunet, the founder of AB Marches, in the years 2003–2007 won first place in the French economists ranking. For ten years he was chief of the strategic HSBC France bank. Since the date the book was published a discussion broke out over the question asked in the title. The intention of the authors was to uncover the totalitarian aspirations of China for domination over the world. €They propose a thesis that the western world faces a war and the means of defense is the economy.

The dispute over the division of powers and the burden of competence presumption between the European Union and its Member States has been going on practically from the very beginning of the integration process and has become an immanent part of the political system of the EU and of the decision-making process functioning within its framework. One of the most important steps to clarify this issue was the introduction of the principle of subsidiarity, which clearly indicated the mode in which institutions of the EU could exercise specific powers when shaping public policies. Another step was the inclusion of national parliaments in the process of safeguarding compliance with this principle, which was related to the ongoing debate on the reduction of the so-called "democratic deficit", that occurs during public policy-making processes in the EU. From a purely theoretical point of view, one could conclude that the inclusion of national parliaments in the creation of public policies at such an important stage should be equivalent to offering them vast opportunities to influence the decision-making process within the framework of the political system in the EU. Moreover, after Poland's accession to the EU, our national parliament has become a legitimate user and beneficiary of these regulations. It is thus fully justified to ask the question about the actual efficacy of the existing solutions and the possible direction in which national parliaments will evolve in the process of integration. Having this in mind, the authors of the study set themselves several fundamental research objectives. The first is to assess the extent to which the Parliament of the Republic of Poland is prepared and able to use the procedure for monitoring compliance with the principle of subsidiarity. The second, and equally important, research goal concerns the identification of the actual influence of national parliaments on public policy-making processes within the EU political system through the procedure for safeguarding compliance with the principle of subsidiarity. It is also the intention of the authors to identify the possible direction in which the position of national parliaments will evolve in the EU decision-making processes.

The purpose of this paper is to discuss the origins and evolution of Self-Defence Forces as an institution within the Japanese constitutional system. The analysis also aims to provide answers to the question of the compatibility of Jietai with the Japanese Constitution and its formal status. In order to address the research problem, we have decided to dedicate the first part to issues related to the constitutional principles of pacifism and anti-militarism. It is followed by the description of the process that led to the formation of Japanese Self-Defence Forces. We decided that the turning point of the analysis is the appointment of Liberal Democratic Party's leader, Abe Shinzo, as the 96th Prime Minister of Japan (December 26, 2012). The reforms undertaken by the politician resulted in a rapid change in the character of Self-Defence Forces, putting an end to the hitherto functioning model of Jietai.

The first constitution of the Ottoman-Turkish Empire was adopted in 1876 - the Kânûn-i Esâsî (Eng. Fundamental Law). In its history, Turkey has had four constitutions. They were adopted in 1921, 1924, 1961, and 1982, with the latter being presently in force. Nowadays, the creation of a new constitution is the main issue on Turkey's political agenda. The government of Turkey and Mr. Recep Tayyip Erdogan want to amend the constitution, and envisage creating an executive presidential sys¬tem (Tur. Ba§kanlik sistemi), similar to that of the Russian Federation and the United States. Critics are concerned about what Recep Tayyip Erdogan's motivation may be. This article analyzes the histori¬cal roots of the constitution, its amendments, the presidential system in Turkey and the arguments of the Republican People's Party (CHP) and Peoples' Democratic Party (HDP) against the adoption of a presidential system. The key issues that the authors address are the changes that could be made under Turkey's new constitution and whether all political power would be concentrated in president's hands. ; Pierwsza konstytucja Imperium Osmańskiego uchwalona została w 1876 r. - Kanun-i Esasi (pol. ustawa zasadnicza). Cztery tureckie konstytucje przyjmowano kolejno w latach: 1921, 1924, 1961, i 1982 r. Priorytetowym zadaniem i zarazem najważniejszą kwestią ustrojową dla tureckiego rządu i prezydenta Recepa Tayyipa Erdogana było przygotowanie rewizji obowiązującej konstytucji zakładającej wprowadzenie systemu prezydenckiego (tur. Baękanhksistemi), na wzór modelu obowiązującego w Federacji Rosyjskiej czy w Stanach Zjednoczonych. Celem artykułu jest omówienie historycznych korzeni konstytucji Republiki Turcji. Autorzy analizują wprowadzone do ustawy zasadniczej poprawki, omawiając przy tym kształt tureckiego systemu prezydenckiego. Ponadto w niniejszym opracowaniu przedstawiono argumenty przeciwników reformy systemu politycznego w Turcji podnoszone przez zwolenników Republikańskiej Partii Ludowej (CHP) oraz Demokratycznej Partii Ludowej. Celem artykułu jest również analiza zmian, które stanowią efekt ostatniej reformy konstytucyjnej w Turcji. Rozważania koncentrują się także wokół odpowiedzi na pytanie o zakres rzeczywistej władzy prezydenckiej R. T. Erdogana.