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In Namibia, the encroachment by a native, but invasive bush on Savannah land leads to both environmental and economic loss. This invasive bush is, however, suitable for harvesting as a source of biomass for local industry. Harvesting biomass from the invasive bush has been shown to restore biodiversity, improve water conservation efforts, and restore grazing lands. Beyond the environmental benefits of removing the invasive bush, the raw biomass harvested is amenable to simple value-added production. Although some efforts are underway to make use of harvested biomass, current harvesting practices are not selective enough to meet governmental requirements intended to protect several species of local fauna and flora. Limitations, such as a lack of knowledge, during the harvesting process, can be overcome to a significant degree through the introduction of a smart application. This can integrate geographical context with computer vision to provide a ground-level tool for the identification of areas suitable for harvesting. This study shows that this tool can identify indigenous taxonomies with an accuracy of 76

Abstract
Why do some winning rebel groups build obedient and effective state militaries after civil war, while others suffer military defections? When winning rebels face intense security threats during civil wars, rebel field commanders are more likely to remain obedient during war-to-peace transitions. Intense security threats incentivize militants to create more inclusive leadership structures, reducing field commanders' incentives to defect in the postwar period. Intense security threats also reduce commanders' capacity for postwar resistance by forcing insurgents to remain mobile and adopt shorter time horizons in rebel-governed territory, reducing the likelihood that field commanders will develop local ties and independent support bases. The plausibility of the argument is examined using a new list of winning rebel groups since 1946. Two case studies—Zimbabwe and Côte d'Ivoire—probe the causal mechanisms of the theory. The study contributes to debates about the consequences of military victory in civil war, the postwar trajectories of armed groups, and the conditions necessary for civil-military cohesion in fragile states.

Ex-rebel military commanders play a central role in peacebuilding after civil war. Yet the influence and mobilization power of these actors is not uniform: in some areas commanders retain strong ties to civilian populations after war's end, while in other areas such ties wither away. This article analyses a novel dataset of former rebel-occupied localities in Côte d'Ivoire to investigate why commander–community linkages endure or decline after post-conflict transitions. The findings support a theory of political accountability: commanders retained political capital and access to networks of supporters in areas where insurgents provided essential goods to civilians during war. By contrast, where insurgents' wartime rule involved abuse and coercion, commanders were less likely to sustain strong ties. These findings challenge the conventional wisdom that violent warlordism explains the persistence of rebel commanders' power in peacetime. Rather, effective wartime governance may create regionally embedded strongmen who can in turn disrupt postwar state-building.

Ex-rebel military commanders play a central role in peacebuilding after civil war. Yet the influence and mobilization power of these actors is not uniform: in some areas commanders retain strong ties to civilian populations after war's end, while in other areas such ties wither away. This article analyses a novel dataset of former rebel-occupied localities in Côte d'Ivoire to investigate why commander–community linkages endure or decline after post-conflict transitions. The findings support a theory of political accountability: commanders retained political capital and access to networks of supporters in areas where insurgents provided essential goods to civilians during war. By contrast, where insurgents' wartime rule involved abuse and coercion, commanders were less likely to sustain strong ties. These findings challenge the conventional wisdom that violent warlordism explains the persistence of rebel commanders' power in peacetime. Rather, effective wartime governance may create regionally embedded strongmen who can in turn disrupt postwar state-building.