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Polish Workers: an Awakening Class.
Blue collar workers in Poland have grown since the interwar period to a half of the total population and took over the numerical place of peasantry but with much more strategic location and at a definitively higher level of sophistication. During the 1950s and the 1960s still the peasant origin prevailed among blue collar workers but later on this has changed in favour of their own category plus the growing number of arrivals from the white collar stratum. Four basic factors: transformation of social mobility, failure of the industrial modernization based on the growing trade with the West, the food shortage and the developing sophistication of blue collar workers (especially the young generation) have contributed to the establishment of a free trade union movement and a considerable reform of the whole socio-economic model of the country.
"Solidarity" has become a major innovative force in Poland but it does not have the ambition or power to seize full power from the ruling party. It does not want even to occupy the position emptied by the previous progovernmental trade unions and to take co-responsibility for running the socialized enterprises. The genuinely blue collar leadership of "Solidarity" defends primarily the workers' rights and avoids any such commitments which would redirect the whole movement from its original goal.
The awareness of "Solidarity" leadership of the dangers and responsibilities related to the promotion of blue collar workers' cause under state socialism shows the maturity of the movement represented by them, that has its foundation in the relatively good learning gained by the young generation of workers. This learning comes from the formal schooling, the experience gained in the previous demonstrations of workers' strength (1956, 1970-71, 1976), growing mutual contact between various social strata, concentration of workers in big enterprises, travelling abroad, etc.
The return in Poland to the previous authoritarian set-up is always possible due to the external pressure exercised by the U.S.S.R. and the other Soviet bloc members. However the results achieved by organized blue collar workers are big enough to remain as a historical phenomenon of a permanent importance.

Il existe une différenciation évidente du contenu social des kolkhoz et des kibboutz. Les premiers ne sont que des institutions imposées de l'extérieur et donc incapables de mobiliser dans un but collectif les paysans et leurs familles. Les seconds sont des communautés de volontaires et leur principale force vient de l'engagement individuel de tous les membres. Les facteurs de la dimension et du profil économique jouent également dans la . comparaison. La moindre dimension et l'activité plus diversifiée des kibboutz, où l'esprit d'entreprise collectif compte pour beaucoup, contribuent à la création et à la maturation de communautés qui réussissent sur le marché libre. Toutes les initiatives leur sont permises tandis que les kolkhoz restent dans le cadre d'une économie imperative et dépendent essentiellement de décisions centralisées, venues de l'extérieur et parfois contradictoires.

Annual Holidays in Poland.
What people want to do during their vacations and what finally comes of it says a lot about their society. In socialist Poland the government directly or indirectly sponsors such vacations of the working people and the youth which are supposed to contribute to egalitarianism as well as to the public interest. The government controlled trade unions and the national enterprises maintain their holiday hostels available to the employed people at a very reasonable rate.
The survey data show that the state sponsored holiday facilities have been unequally utilized by people from various social strata. Contrary to the state policy these facilities for many years have been much more used by the white collar workers than by the blue collar workers. With the growth of general education in the whole society and under the influence of social patterns typical for intelligentsia, people give more and more preference to the holidays arranged by themselves privately. They want to own a car, to visit the foreign countries, especially the capitalist West, to built their own family houses. The state sponsored holiday facilities become a domain of people who for some social or individual reasons are not able to find for themselves something more attractive. This means that the state sponsored socialist collectivism has failed to a large extent in the field of mass leisure. The question remains why did it happen.

The dilemma of spontaneity versus formalization is more or less valid for all societies. Freedom as the availability of alternative courses of action has been a precious cultural and moral value in history. The functional requisites of societies, related to communication, production, distribution, defense, replacement of members, and social control (Lenski, Lenski, 1974:28) have provided a more or less convincing justification for the limitation of freedom. Specialization, hierarchy, rules, procedures, impersonality and cult of competence, all these bureaucratic characteristics have been treated for centuries as remedia for laziness, irresponsibility, and parochialism. The progress of formalization has historically contributed to the strengthening of authority, as a legitimized power which brings about compliance of people to behave according to the will of those who occupy crucial positions. However, rigidification of such structures has several negative side effects: dissolution of several important and useful human bonds, ineffectiveness against external change, internal struggle between various groups to preserve and enlarge their areas of discretion (Crozier 1963), keeping too much to the rules, over-adherence to organizational means (and not ends), spoiling of superiors by the power enjoyed by them, superiors spending too much of their time and effort in controlling subordinates, etc. Strict separation of office and incumbent, in the sense that the official does not possess his office, has been historically beneficial for the material well being of societies, but it also has limited the personal involvement of office occupants. In the bureaucracies people who occupy crucial positions tend to develop vested interests within the scope of their jurisdiction. The constituent parts of bureaucracies resist actions which do not serve their own purposes (the problem of recalcitrance), and people in control of these parts become the prime beneficiaries (Blau, Scott 1962) of them. The 'rules of the game' that apply to the bureaucratic organizations as human artefacts quite often prevent them from achieving a dynamic equilibrium, namely to react to forces of change in an adaptive manner. Those organizations easily transform themselves from goal-seeking entities into the security-seeking mechanisms. Following Etzioni (1965) it is possible to say that they follow a 'survival model' instead of an 'efficiency model'.

Le processus de modernisation, dans les conditions du socialisme d'Etat de type soviétique, présente certaines particularités qui sont spécialement intéressantes dans le cas de la Pologne. La tradition aristocratique, héritée par l'intelligentsia, a beaucoup contribué à l'apparition d'une contradiction manifeste entre les valeurs dominantes et les orientations des Polonais et le modèle de développement emprunté aux Soviétiques. Déjà à l'époque de Gomulka et encore plus depuis l'arrivée de Gierek au pouvoir, l'élite dirigeante a plusieurs fois essayé de réconcilier les priorités liées à la croissance du pays avec les besoins et les exigences de la population. La réalité socio-économique de la Pologne fait apparaître diverses contradictions entre ce que les gens veulent et ce dont se préoccupe l'élite au pouvoir. Les exigences de l'industrialisation ont obligé les dirigeants à promouvoir l'éducation et la culture de masse. Ce qui a mené inévitablement à un développement des aspirations de la population qui sont loin d'être satisfaites par le gouvernement. Le style bureaucratique de gestion de l'économie a empêché jusqu'ici une pleine utilisation des ressources humaines pour une croissance socio-économique intensive. Sous le régime de Gierek, la politique s'est assouplie, mais le système demeure globalement le même. Ce qui n'a pas permis jusqu'ici d'instaurer un modèle de développement mieux adapté aux besoins et aux espoirs de la population polonaise. La politique de manipulation du peuple de Gierek paraît plus efficace mais elle ne conduit pas nécessairement à des réformes fondamentales qui permettraient le passage d'une croissance extensive à une croissance intensive en même temps qu'une démocratisation du pays.

Academic Research Versus Bureaucratization in Poland.
There has been a substantial growth of the research potential in Poland, and the ambitions of many Poles are focused on it. The state primarily supports the applied research oriented towards the demands of industrialization. On the other hand the scientific culture and tradition remain so far mostly in the framework of higher education and of the Polish Academy of Sciences. Bureaucratization is one of the major obstacles in the development of scientific research. There is too much emphasis on institutionalization, and the spontaneous character of the scientific creativity is not adequately acknowledged by the authorities. On the other hand the academic circles have much more freedom than people employed in other fields, and the scientists enjoy a high prestige among the population. Their incomes are relatively good, but still their living standards on average are much lower than in the West. The growth of professional aspirations and general expectations of the scientists quite often outstrips the bureaucratized reality of the research establishment. It is the main source of their general dissatisfaction which leads from time to time to the individual or collective criticism of the existing conditions or even of the political system; as in the case of a memorandum signed by 59 leading scientists and intellectuals in 1975 who demanded the democratization of Poland.

Spontaneity versus Formalization in East Europe. Some Problems of Bureaucratization under State Socialism.
Intermixing of organizational structures in the Soviet state socialism, dependence of the bureaucratic structure on the Party policy shifts, the ambiguous role of legality, the important role of laymen, as well as the relative shortage of skilled clerks and of the appropriate equipment, all these factors limit the scope and the depth of bureaucratization (in the Weberian sense) in Eastern European societies. Spontaneity must enter the scene when the formalization is inconsistent or even contradictory. The major characteristics of industrial society: growth of population and rising expectations, diffusion of power, highly developed division of labour, task-concentration, universalism of legal provisions, high authority of the state, standardization and neutralization of human relations based en achievement, and urbanism, are consciously promoted in Eastern Europe and they contribute to the growing tension between the Utopian model of a socio-moral unity, and the internal diversity of a developed society.
A far reaching formalization is usually particularly harmful when dealing with growth. The changes within the social structure of Eastern Europe exemplify the newly arising sources of spontaneity among people that are related to the growth of the system. The mass advancement contributes to the rising expectations. There appears among people, especially among those who are well educated, a vivid interest in confronting dogma with the reality. People look for better opportunities for themselves and create coalitions which exercise some pressures upon the rulers. New social ties become established and they modify the current model of social system. There is a lot of camouflage on the side of the ruling elite, as well as on the side of average citizens. Local elites try to outmaneouver the masses, but on the other hand the rank and file also develop some ability to outmaneouver the system. In such a situation, now very common all around Eastern Europe, with one possible exception of East Germany, it seems very difficult to establish a reliable and effective policy of reconciling formalization with spontaneity. Nobody really knows where the formalization ends, and where the spontaneity starts. Everything is so mixed-up in this respect that even the leaders are misinformed.
The contradictions within the existing system constantly feed various spontaneous behavioral patterns which develop under the cover of formalization. Managers of the enterprises must involve themselves into the extralegal activities just in order to satisfy demands of their own superiors, colleagues, and subordinates. Anxiety is far from being eliminated from the system, and at the same time the religion, which proved itself historically to be the best outlet of catharsis, is condemned or even entirely eliminated (the case of Albania). The system rejects the ideals of a consumer society, but at the same time it claims to challenge the USA exactly on terms of consumer values
The rational basis of the system has several obvious loopholes; for example the selection of leaders is far from being rationally regulated. The abolishment of exploitation has been claimed for years as the highest achievement, but continuity of the current system relies on oppression much more than on anything else. So far state socialism of the Eastern European style has not been able to establish an objectified order in which people would feel safe. Still too much depends on the whimsical and arbitrary decisions of rulers currently in power.

Group Bargaining and Participation in Poland.
In order to understand the current state of bargaining between various large social groups in present day Poland it is not enough to be acquainted with the mechanism of the Soviet style communism. The local historical tradition also explains a lot. It is necessary to always remember that Poland is one of the few countries in Europe in which the gentry used to be very numerous and at the same time particularly influential. Poland constituted for centuries a gentry commonwealth in which not only kings were elected, but where even the powerful aristocratic circles were dependent to a large extent on the support of the lower and the middle gentry. It is therefore quite understandable that the Polish national ideology even now is still under a strong influence of the values and social patterns originated by the gentry and afterwards cultivated by the intelligentsia. There is a long tradition of deep socio-cultural divisions between various strata, widespread elitist inclinations, devotion to popular national myths, selectivity of societal contacts, a warm attitude towards friends and guests, but a distance or even prejudice towards strangers, a reserved attitude toward formal authorities.
The democratization of the whole Polish present day system becomes a very tempting solution. However, it seems almost impossible to reconcile the authori- tiarian political system, based on a single ideology and one Party rule, with the local self-government and freedom of collective initiative. Any new organizational project oriented towards stimulation of entrepreneurship and public will becomes effectively challenged sooner or later by the totalitarian aspects of the whole system. In several cases local democracy just does not work because nobody really bothers to confront the blueprint with the reality. Originators of a particular project are just too happy with the product of their imagination and therefore neglect to attend to how it works in social practice. The elected or nominated représentants haves vested interests in gaining as much power as possible without bothering with the common will. People at the bottom of the hierarchy keep quiet because they fear that things will turn worse.

Depuis l'instauration de régimes communistes en Pologne, Tchécoslovaquie, République démocratique allemande, Hongrie et Roumanie, les ressources humaines ont été largement mobilisées dans ces pays pour assurer la modernisation de l'économie, assimilée au progrès industriel et à l'investissement dans l'industrie lourde. L'agriculture ne constitue plus désormais une part importante du revenu national brut. Cependant, un pourcentage anormalement élevé de la main-d'œuvre totale est encore employé dans l'agriculture, secteur dont la productivité globale est faible. Les progrès de l'urbanisation, de l'éducation et des aspirations socioculturelles des masses sont autant de pressions sur le régime dont la population attend qu'il prenne des mesures assurant un niveau de vie meilleur. La divergence est évidente entre la doctrine officielle qui prône le bien-être de tous et la pratique qui démontre l'incapacité du système à satisfaire les besoins sociaux croissants. Les tensions sociales sont centrées sur les problèmes de niveau de vie ainsi que sur les inégalités existant entre les habitants (près de 100 millions) des cinq pays mentionnés plus haut.
La majorité de leurs populations vivent d'une activité non-agricole au sein de l'économie nationalisée et dépendent de l'Etat qui détient le monopole de l'emploi. Même en Pologne, où la plus grande part de l'agriculture est privée, les paysans vendent essentiellement leur production à l'Etat. Le haut niveau d'activité des femmes mariées renforce encore les liens économiques entre la famille et l'Etat. L'attente de la population quant aux facilités de logement, à leur pouvoir d'achat, à la promotion, aux loisirs et aux possibilités ouvertes à la jeune génération s'accroît plus rapidement que la volonté et la capacité des Etats à satisfaire les souhaits exprimés. Même dans le domaine de la culture de masse, les progrès sont insuffisants pour répondre à la demande toujours croissante.
L'élimination du secteur privé, sauf dans l'agriculture polonaise, a entraîné une égalisation de principe des éléments de la population. 3 à 6 % seulement des personnes gagnent plus du double du salaire moyen. La structure des budgets familiaux et même l'équipement ménager des trois principaux groupes sociaux (ouvriers, employés et paysans) deviennent de plus en plus semblables. Compte tenu de la politique officielle tendant à élever progressivement les revenus ouvriers, notamment les plus bas, il n'existe plus de différences substantielles entre les ouvriers et les employés se situant dans les catégories inférieures de revenu.
Le problème du niveau de vie fait l'objet de débats entre les apparatchiki et l'intelligentsia. Etant donné la sophistication croissante des besoins et des goûts de la population, il devient de plus en plus évident que l'homme de la rue est insatisfait et a des exigences nouvelles ; ce phénomène s'oppose bien sûr à l'idée d'un système socio-politique « parfait », si caractéristique du communisme antidialectique de type soviétique. D'autre part, l'importance croissante de l'intelligentsia entraîne une élévation encore plus rapide des désirs de la masse sans qu'il soit tenté réellement d'y répondre. Sous la direction autoritaire du parti et de la bureaucratie d'Etat, l'intelligentsia jouit de la liberté de demander davantage sans prendre la responsabilité de satisfaire ces exigences dans la pratique. Le paradoxe le plus significatif des systèmes sociaux est-européens est probablement le fait qus les régimes autoritaires se contredisent eux-mêmes en voulant satisfaire les populations sans faire appel à leur participation.