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Abstract
The member states of the United Nations General Assembly in 2005 unanimously adopted the resolution on Responsibility to Protect (R2P) to save citizens from genocide, war crimes, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity. Since adoption, the norm has been invoked in Libya, South Sudan, Yemen, and Syria, nonetheless, the UN refrains to respond to the genocide committed in the Jammu & Kashmir and triggering a greater sense of anxiety. In this context, the present paper elucidates the factors behind the UN failure. It asks why the UN failed to call R2P despite systematic crimes against humanity in Kashmir. What factors or forces preclude the UN to invoke R2P? The paper argues that the inability of the UN to invoke R2P is a consequence of systemic and domestic factors. The Indo-US strategic partnership, materialism, and New Delhi's influence in the international system are obstructing the UN's ability to play a decisive role. Meanwhile, the economic and military potential of India and its regional influence forbid the international community to dissuade India not to commit genocide in Jammu & Kashmir. So the high politics of materialism and national interests override the norm of human rights and humanity.

"This book, through Pakistan-India experience, demonstrates an intimate relationship between political conflict and arms control. It proves that several contributing political conflicts affect arms control in distinct ways. Importantly, the combined effect of these pertinent political conflicts claim greater influence over arms control processes"--

Intro -- 1 Introduction -- 1.1 Motivation and objectives -- 1.2 Thesis outline -- 2 Need for alternative frac-fluid -- 2.1 Environmental problems -- 2.2 Technical problems -- 2.3 Problem with public acceptance -- 2.4 Alternative frac-fluids -- 3 Light alkanes (C5-C10) -- 3.1 Properties of alternative fluid -- 3.2 Simulation in a fictive model to investigate phase behavior -- 4 Hydraulic fracture modeling -- 4.1 Brief overview of hydraulic fracturing -- 4.2 Mass and energy balance for flow in porous media -- 4.3 Space and time discretization -- 4.4 Numerical model -- 5 Model verification and application -- 5.1 Fracture initiation and propagation -- 5.2 Isothermal MM flow verification -- 5.3 Non-isothermal MM flow verification -- 5.4 Hydraulic fracturing in McCully tight gas reservoir, New Brunswick, Canada -- 6 Hydraulic fracturing optimization in a tight gas reservoir of Germany -- 6.1 Introduction -- 6.2 Model generation and verification -- 6.3 Production history match -- 6.4 Stress state -- 6.5 Important parameter analysis -- 6.6 Frac-fluid flowback -- 6.7 Design proposals -- 6.8 Comparison with previous fracture job -- 7 Rod-shaped proppants -- 7.1 Introduction -- 7.2 Fracture conductivity -- 7.3 Numerical model -- 7.4 Sensitivity analysis -- 7.5 Application -- 8 Conclusions -- 9 References -- Appendix A.

Abstract
This paper examines the neo-colonial project of Narendra Modi implemented in Kashmir after the revocation of special status on August 5, 2019. The neo-colonial infrastructure supported by the threads of re-classification of legal residents and land designations intends to significantly transform the demography of Muslim majority Kashmir into a Muslim minority, consequently destroying the Muslim identity of the state. The abrogation of Article 370 and enactment of new domicile law has extended the legal and administrative control of New Delhi, making Kashmir indistinguishable from the Indian legal system and leaving no room for the local legislative assembly to make laws beneficial for the state residents. The paper asks how India is implementing the neo-colonial settler agenda in Kashmir. How and to what extent legal and military instruments are employed to disempower Kashmiris from territorial and cultural identity? The paper argues that Prime Minister Narendra Modi is pursuing a neo-colonial settler agenda in Kashmir through 'destroy and replace,' which is supported by the neo-liberal agenda, including; new land management policy, new domicile law, spatial planning and development, new settlements of Hindus, authoritative central control, and massive militarization to carry out gross human rights abuses and repression.

In mid-March 2022, a letter by Pakistan Young Pharmacist Association (PYPA) caught the headline of major newspapers in Pakistan. The letter, written in the context of the prevalent shortage of paracetamol, more or less alleged that the drug manufacturing companies were deliberately causing the shortages. They argued that drug manufacturers wanted to compel customers to buy a higher dose of the said drug (665 mg) since it had a significantly higher price than lower doses.
The letter again brings to light the critical (but lesser discussed) issue of persistent drug shortages in Pakistan. Every year, critically needed drugs tend to vanish off the shelves, to be either found in black or imported to meet shortages (the below table contains a few sample cases of shortages since two decades). Mehmood (2017), 4 after a survey of the major drug markets in Rawalpindi and Islamabad, found that 48 registered drugs were unavailable (drug manufacturers had stopped producing them), while 67 registered brands were experiencing shortages of varying degrees. Drug shortages, however, are not a recent phenomenon; in fact, it goes back to the time of the creation of the country. On 30th March 1954, during the Constituent Assembly session, Mr. Abdul Monem Khan pointed to the severe shortages of medicines in the country. The Health Minister, Mr. Tafazzal Ali, replied that import orders had been placed to ameliorate the shortages. In 1976, Arthur Homer Furnia, a US Health sector specialist, noted the shortages of medicines, especially in government facilities where the trend of siphoning off medicines was common.