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"In the wake of the 25 January revolution and the coup that followed in 2013, Egyptian bookstores recorded a significant increase in demand for books by and about the Muslim Brotherhood. However, despite the burgeoning literature on the Brotherhood, knowledge about the movement is still rather limited, particularly with regard to its most strategic tool - media and communications. This book offers a fresh and close look into the communication strategy of the group, focusing on published periodicals, biographies, and websites that represent the voice of the Brotherhood. The book analyses the core mission of the Brotherhood, namely its da� wa (call, invitation to faith) - how it is articulated and how it is defined by the movement as an ideology and a process. Have the media represented a coherent voice of the Brotherhood over the past decades? What can they communicate regarding the Brothers' perception of the needs of their audiences? How have the media served to sustain, preserve, and distinguish the movement for nine decades? The book argues that the Brotherhood media speak with an intermittent voice and deliver an incoherent message whose tone is changeable and fluctuating and cannot be claimed to truly represent the heterogeneity of the group. Adopting an interdisciplinary approach that integrates Media Studies and Social Movement Theory, the book provides a fresh analysis of the Brotherhood movement as an interpretive community and will be a valuable resource for anyone studying Egypt or the Muslim Brotherhood." (Publisher's description)

Focusing on Islamism in Egypt, this chapter argues that although the state can exercise the power of coercion, it has had to negotiate some of its power with religious groups and institutions, including al-Azhar, Salafists, and the now-banned Muslim Brotherhood. The chapter discusses the power dynamics among the various Islamic institutions and groups in Egypt, as well as the relationship between those actors and other religious minorities. The chapter concludes that the successive Egyptian governments have sought to tighten their grip on the religious sphere to curb the power of religious institutions while allowing them to substitute for the state's welfare programs.

While the expansion of the Arab news and media industries over the past two decades has provided unprecedented opportunities for women to access and succeed in the media field, journalists are still not expected to question the political order. Many women have not managed to fend off the newsroom's discrimination against them because women are often expected to serve as positive role models and representatives of their country, reflecting a modern image of the nation, instead of challenging the government and championing the social reforms so acutely needed. Arab women journalists are generally expected to support rather than challenge the patriarchal order in times of political turbulence, in order to preserve the perceived social stability provided by adhering to the status quo. Those few who defy the status quo may risk putting their future career prospects in jeopardy or be forced to abandon the high-status political beat which is largely dominated by men journalists. This chapter discusses some of these challenges faced by Arab women journalists and demonstrates how recent turmoil and repercussions against political reforms in many Arab countries have exacerbated the challenges. ; https://www.routledge.com/info/open_access/by_the_chapter - accepted manuscript may be posted with 18 months from publication - need to update when pub date known "Chapters from all our books are eligible for green open access. Each individual author or contributor can also choose to upload one chapter from the 'Accepted Manuscript' (AM). An AM is typically the post-contract but pre-production (i.e. not copy –edited, proofread or typeset) Word Document/PDF of the chapter. Authors may upload the AM chapter to a personal or departmental website immediately after publication of the book - this includes posting to Facebook, Google groups, and LinkedIn, and linking from Twitter. Authors can also post the AM book chapter to an institutional or subject repository or to academic social networks like Mendeley, ResearchGate, or Academia.edu after an embargo period of 18 months for Humanities and Social Sciences books or 12 months for STEM books. Authors may not post the final published book chapter to any site, unless it has been published as gold open access on our website."

The story of Egyptian identity from the beginning of the 20th century is one constructed by statesmen, intellectuals and Islamic thinkers. This book argues that the current fragmentation of Egypt's political scene reflects the increasing social division in a country where 'the people' are demanding a redefinition of their national identity. Scrutinising the society behind the uprisings that began in 2011 and their diverse economic, ideological and sectorial demands, it also looks at the desperate state's attempt to construct a unified Egyptian identity an attempt which has resulted in further splitting Egyptian society. The book focuses on the societal context that caused and continue to stir the internal conflict in Egypt and offers a fresh perspective in that it zooms in on the Egyptian society and its multiple layers. It also zooms in on the role of language and education in enforcing the status quo using a number of case studies to illustrate the development of nationalist discourse in Egypt.

In the wake of the January 25 revolution, and the coup that followed in 2013, Egyptian bookstores recorded a significant increase in demand for books by and about the Muslim Brotherhood. However, despite the burgeoning literature on the Brotherhood, knowledge about the movement is still rather limited, particularly with regards to its most strategic tool - media and communications. This book offers a fresh and close look into the communication strategy of the group, focusing on published periodicals, biographies and websites that represent the voice of the Brotherhood. The book analyses the core mission of the Brotherhood, namely its da`wa (call) - how it is articulated and how it is defined by the movement as an ideology and a process. Have the media represented a coherent voice of the Brotherhood over the past decades? What can they communicate regarding the Brothers' perception of the needs of their audiences? How have the media served to sustain, preserve and distinguish the movement for nine decades? The book argues that the Brotherhood media speak with an intermittent voice and deliver an incoherent message whose tone is changeable and fluctuating and cannot be claimed to truly represent the heterogeneity of the group. Adopting an interdisciplinary approach which integrates Media Studies and Social Movement Theory, the book provides a fresh analysis of the Brotherhood movement as an interpretive community and will be a valuable resource for anyone studying Egypt or the Muslim Brotherhood

This chapter focuses on media coverage of bin Laden and how it depicted his relationship with his wives, particularly the sixth one, Amal Assadah, who was rumored to have shielded bin Laden when the American commandos shot him. It argues that the main difference between the coverage in Arab media versus Anglo-American news media is that the former focused on the issues surrounding bin Laden and his family, foregrounding the wives' support of bin Laden as part of their duty as virtuous Muslim women. Anglo-American media, however, chose to focus on the image of bin Laden as a sexual being, thereby contributing to the myth of bin Laden as a neurotic evil. Both regions focused on these wives as mainly emotionally or religiously motivated to follow bin Laden rather than on their political and ideological motivations. The chapter begins with a brief discussion about the role of myth in the news-making process, focusing on the myths surrounding bin Laden's sexuality. It then presents examples of pan-Arab and Anglo-American coverage.

Recently, there has been a debate among Egyptian intellectuals about who ideally represents the Tahrir (liberation) revolutionaries. This article reflects on this debate with a focus on selected examples of middle-class liberal revolutionaries and their mediated accounts of the so-called Battle of Camel, which took place on 2 February 2011. The examples help illustrate how the mediation and construction of this event enforces the image of protestors as secular middle class, thereby relegating to the background the role played by religious groups such as the influential Muslim Brotherhood. The accounts also marginalized working-class voices, although this group significantly contributed to the success of the revolution. The selected examples indicate the dynamism of the protests as a multi-layered text and a cultural artefact, open to multiple interpretations with regard to the representation of the revolutionaries.

The Arab capitulation in the Six Day War was posited to stimulate the so-called Islamic resurgence in the region since the 1970s, which several scholars see as a sign of Islamic resistance to the Western cultural presence within the Arab world. This article argues that Islamizing the conflict began well before the 1967 defeat, and that the hegemony of the Islamist discourse has been made possible owing to its penetration into mainstream political and media discourses. It is also argued that by 'religionizing' the Palestinian–Israeli conflict, Islamists provide a new narrative to reshape and reframe the perception of this conflict as being religious rather than political in nature. The article takes the Muslim Brotherhood as a topical case study, demonstrating how its print and digital media highlighted the Islamization of the conflict with Israel and providing frequent references to the 1967 defeat as evidence of God's wrath meted out on Arab rulers, not only for abandoning the Islamic State project, but also for oppressing Islamist movements.