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Frontmatter -- CONTENTS -- LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS -- ACKNOWLEDGMENTS -- A NOTE ON LANGUAGE AND TERMINOLOGY -- ONE Introduction -- PART ONE: ENCOUNTERS IN A CONTACT ZONE: NEW ENGLAND MISSIONARIES, LAWYERS, AND THE APPROPRIATION OF ANGLO-AMERICAN LAW, 1820-1852 -- TWO The Process of Legal Transformation -- THREE The First Transition: Religious Law -- FOUR The Second Transition: Secular Law -- PART TWO: LOCAL PRACTICES OF POLICING AND JUDGING IN HILO, HAWAI'I -- FIVE The Social History of a Plantation Town -- SIX Judges and Caseloads in Hilo -- SEVEN Protest and the Law on the Hilo Sugar Plantations -- EIGHT Sexuality, Marriage, and the Management of the Body -- NINE Conclusions -- APPENDIXES -- NOTES -- REFERENCES -- INDEX

Intro -- Contents -- Acknowledgments -- Chapter One. A World of Quantification -- Chapter Two. Indicators as a Technology of Knowledge -- Chapter Three. Measuring Violence against Women -- Chapter Four. Categorizing Violence against Women: The Cultural Work of Commensuration -- Chapter Five. Measuring the Unmeasurable: The US Trafficking in Persons Reports -- Chapter Six. Knowledge Effects and Governance Effects of the Trafficking in Persons Reports -- Chapter Seven. Human Rights Indicators: Translating Law into Policy -- Chapter Eight. Conclusions -- Notes -- References -- Index.

Human rights law and the legal protection of women from violence are still fairly new concepts. As a result, substantial discrepancies exist between what is decided in the halls of the United Nations and what women experience on a daily basis in their communities. Human Rights and Gender Violence is an ambitious study that investigates the tensions between global law and local justice. As an observer of UN diplomatic negotiations as well as the workings of grassroots feminist organizations in several countries, Sally Engle Merry offers an insider's perspective on how human rights law holds aut

AbstractThis brief article comments on the special issue on SDGs ‐ Knowledge and Politics in Setting and Measuring the SDGs. Acknowledging that the articles in the issue show how reliance on indicators changes the way development is conceived, Merry asks why is it so difficult to produce better indicators. If they are too narrow, why not simply produce more? She argues that conceiving of measurement as an infrastructure provides important insight into these questions.

This provocative question became the basis for a spirited discussion
at the 2017 meeting of the American Anthropological Association. My
first reaction, on hearing the question, was to ask, does anthropology
care whether it matters to law? As a discipline, anthropology and the
anthropology of law are producing excellent scholarship and have an
active scholarly life. But in response to this forum's provocation article,
which clearly outlines the lack of courses on law and anthropology
in law schools, I decided that the relevant question was, why doesn't
anthropology matter more to law than it does? The particular, most
serious concern appears to be, why are there not more law and anthropology
courses being offered in law schools? It is increasingly common
for law faculty in the United States to have PhDs as well as JDs, so why
are there so few anthropology/law PhD/JD faculty? Moreover, as there
is growing consensus that law schools instil a certain way of thinking
but lack preparation for the practice of law in reality and there is an
explosion of interest in clinical legal training, why does this educational
turn fail to provide a new role of legal anthropology, which focuses on
the practice of law, in clinical legal training?