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Frontmatter -- Preface -- Contents -- List of Tables and Figures -- Part One. TOWARDS THE IDEAL TYPE MODEL OF CONSERVATISM AS AN IDEOLOGY -- Chapter 1. Introduction -- Chapter 2. On Methodology -- Chapter 3. A Survey of Previous Research -- Chapter 4. The Definition of the Construct of Conservative Ideology: The Construction of the Ideal Type Model -- Part Two. THE EMPIRICAL ASSESSMENT OF PROGRESSIVE-CONSERVATIVE DIMENSIONS AND AN ATTEMPT AT THEORY CONSTRUCTION -- Chapter 5. Operationalizations of Conservative Ideology: The Abstract and Attitudinal Progressive-conservative Domains -- Chapter 6. Type-1 Analysis: Dimensions of Ideological Controversy in the Progressive-Conservative Domain -- Chapter 7. Towards Theory Construction -- Chapter 8. Summary and Epilogue -- Bibliography -- Appendices -- Author Index -- Subject Index

In contrast to US voters, whose behavior is explained in terms of party identification, controversial issues, & degree of trust in public officials, the behavior of Dutch voters is best analyzed in terms of their position on a Left-Right ideological continuum. Analysis of election data from 1970 studied in C. P. Middendorp's Progressiveness and Conservatism: The Fundamental Dimensions of Ideological Controversy and Their Relationship to Social Class (The Hague/New York: Mouton, 1978), as well as data from 1975, 1980, & 1985, reveals a difference between the actual position on this continuum & voter self-identification, dependent on internally defined philosophical variables. The Left-Right continuum can be expressed along two axes: (1) socioeconomic equality/inequality, & (2) libertarianism/authoritarianism. 6 Tables, 3 Figures, 43 References. M. Meeks

In a study of Dutch political attitudes in 1970, the following dimensions were noted: in the philosophical domain, the dimensions of conservatism, liberalism, & socialism & in the ideological domain, the dimensions of SE left-right & noneconomic libertarianism-traditionalism. The stability of these dimensions was tested in 1975. The philosophical domain remained relatively stable, while the ideological domain proved less so. The major development was the increased ideological nature of the left-right dimension. No such development took place along the libertarian-traditional dimension. Results were interpreted in terms of political & SE changes in the period under investigation. The rather fundamental nature of the dimensions of ideological controversy within progressive-conservative domains was confirmed. 3 Tables. Modified HA.

Unlike the situation in the US, political attitudes in the Netherlands can be classified in terms of three relatively independent dimensions: liberalism, conservatism, & socialism. It is hypothesized that in addition to this three-dimensional structure, a two-dimensional structure in terms of economic equality (left-right) & noneconomic freedom (libertarianism-traditionalism) can be expected. A list of eighty referents for the progressive-conservative domain & eight self-description referents in ideological terms (conservative, left-wing, etc) were given to a cross-sectional sample of the Dutch population (N = 815) aged 18 years or older. Results show a threefold ideological structure with a liberal-conservative factor, an economic left-right factor, & a noneconomic libertarianism factor. A nonideological populism factor could be shown, including noncontroversial elements of the progressive-conservative domain. 3 Tables. Modified HA.

Abstract. In his comment on our work, Ray misinterprets our conclusions and contradicts himself on the issue of working class authoritarianism. His suggestion that the directiveness scale measures authoritarianism must be seriously questioned. His methods of validation of this concept are insufficient. The Adorno et al. F‐scale has been shown to be a potential fascism scale (Meloen et al., 1988), whereas there is no such evidence for Ray's directiveness scale. Suggestions are offered that may clarify the controversy around Lipset's thesis on working class authoritarianism.

Abstract. Dekker and Ester's (1987) position regarding working class authoritarianism, using Wright's (1979, 1985) neo‐marxist class‐conceptualization, is challenged. It is shown in replication that Wright's class concepts are only weakly and non‐linearly related to 'class‐proxies'such as income, wealth, educational level and subjective social class. Thus there is reason for doubt regarding the validity of Wright's class‐concept, which might be partly responsible for the weak associations found with authoritarianism and authoritarian attitudes. Nevertheless, we found that Dekker and Ester's (1987) hypotheses 1 and 2 cannot be rejected: the working class is somewhat more authoritarian than all other classes combined. We maintain that the well‐known relatively strong relationship between educational level and authoritarianism remains of major theoretical and social relevance.

Dekker and Ester's (1987) position regarding working class authoritarianism, using Wright's (1979,1985) neo-marxist class conceptualization, is challenged. Nevertheless, their hypotheses 1 and 2 cannot be rejectd: the working class is somewhat more authoritarian than all other classes combined. Maintains that the well-known relatively strong relationship between educational level and authoritarianism remains of major theoretical and social relevance. Includes a reply by Dekker and Ester. (Abstract amended)

Abstract.An attempt to integrate various previous approaches to economic voting is made and several LISREL‐models were tested in the Netherlands. We found that, like in most American studies, voters' experience with and evaluation of government policies' effects on the National Economic Condition are a more important determinant of the vote than voters' evaluation of the effects of government policies on one's Personal Economic Condition. Different models for various social classes were found (cf. Weatherford, 1978), but 'self‐reliants'had similar determinants of the vote as compared to 'government reliants'. The specifying effect of 'party identification'on the vote was discussed. It seems that about 10–15% of the Dutch vote can be considered determined by economic evaluations, mainly of the perception of government policies' effect on the National Economic Condition (NEC).

Found that voters' experience with and evaluation of government policies' effects on the National Economic Condition are a more important determinant of the vote than voters' evaluation of the effects of government policies on one's Personal Economic Condition. Different models for various social classes were found, but 'self-reliants' had similar determinants of the vote as compared to 'government reliants'. (Abstract amended)

Using the reconceptualization of class concept developed by Eric Olin Wright (Classes, London: Verso, 1985), the assertion by P. Dekker & P. Ester that the working class is not more authoritarian than other classes (eg, see SA 36:2/88T4138) is tested, based on analysis of survey data collected from the Dutch electorate between 1975 & 1980. In Wright's reconceptualization, ownership of the means of production, capitalist manner of production, & differences in educational level are used to formulate 12 classes. Results do not support Dekker's & Ester's assertion, & also indicate that class divisions are neither empirically nor theoretically sound. 4 Tables, 15 References. A. Cole