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National audience ; Since the 1930s Sweden has developed an original approach to social policy, considering it not as a cost but as a productive investment that can reconcile economic efficiency and social equity. Thus, the social investment discourse, which has become very popular today both at the European and OECD level, and which advocates a reorientation of resources from "passive" to "active" social expenditures, seems to find some of its inspiration in the policies that have been set up in the Nordic countries, and theorized in Sweden especially. This article analyses the foundations and the development of this Swedish productive social model in order to better understand the specificities of this model and its success, but also to put into perspective the current European orientations around the social investment perspective. ; Dès les années 1930, la Suède a développé une approche originale de la politique sociale, considérant celle-ci non pas comme un coût mais comme un investissement productif qui permet de concilier efficacité économique et équité sociale. Ainsi, le discours très en vogue aujourd'hui, au niveau européen comme au niveau de l'Organisation de coopération et de développement économiques, autour de la perspective d'investissement social, et qui prône la réorientation des dépenses sociales " passives " vers des dépenses sociales " actives ", semble s'inspirer des politiques mises en oeuvre dans les pays nordiques, et théorisées tout particulièrement en Suède. Cet article analyse les fondements et le développement de ce modèle social productif suédois de façon à mieux comprendre ce qui fait la spécificité de ce modèle et son succès, mais aussi à éclairer les orientations actuelles au niveau européen autour de la perspective d'investissement social.

National audience ; Since the 1930s Sweden has developed an original approach to social policy, considering it not as a cost but as a productive investment that can reconcile economic efficiency and social equity. Thus, the social investment discourse, which has become very popular today both at the European and OECD level, and which advocates a reorientation of resources from "passive" to "active" social expenditures, seems to find some of its inspiration in the policies that have been set up in the Nordic countries, and theorized in Sweden especially. This article analyses the foundations and the development of this Swedish productive social model in order to better understand the specificities of this model and its success, but also to put into perspective the current European orientations around the social investment perspective. ; Dès les années 1930, la Suède a développé une approche originale de la politique sociale, considérant celle-ci non pas comme un coût mais comme un investissement productif qui permet de concilier efficacité économique et équité sociale. Ainsi, le discours très en vogue aujourd'hui, au niveau européen comme au niveau de l'Organisation de coopération et de développement économiques, autour de la perspective d'investissement social, et qui prône la réorientation des dépenses sociales " passives " vers des dépenses sociales " actives ", semble s'inspirer des politiques mises en oeuvre dans les pays nordiques, et théorisées tout particulièrement en Suède. Cet article analyse les fondements et le développement de ce modèle social productif suédois de façon à mieux comprendre ce qui fait la spécificité de ce modèle et son succès, mais aussi à éclairer les orientations actuelles au niveau européen autour de la perspective d'investissement social.

National audience ; Since the 1930s Sweden has developed an original approach to social policy, considering it not as a cost but as a productive investment that can reconcile economic efficiency and social equity. Thus, the social investment discourse, which has become very popular today both at the European and OECD level, and which advocates a reorientation of resources from "passive" to "active" social expenditures, seems to find some of its inspiration in the policies that have been set up in the Nordic countries, and theorized in Sweden especially. This article analyses the foundations and the development of this Swedish productive social model in order to better understand the specificities of this model and its success, but also to put into perspective the current European orientations around the social investment perspective. ; Dès les années 1930, la Suède a développé une approche originale de la politique sociale, considérant celle-ci non pas comme un coût mais comme un investissement productif qui permet de concilier efficacité économique et équité sociale. Ainsi, le discours très en vogue aujourd'hui, au niveau européen comme au niveau de l'Organisation de coopération et de développement économiques, autour de la perspective d'investissement social, et qui prône la réorientation des dépenses sociales " passives " vers des dépenses sociales " actives ", semble s'inspirer des politiques mises en oeuvre dans les pays nordiques, et théorisées tout particulièrement en Suède. Cet article analyse les fondements et le développement de ce modèle social productif suédois de façon à mieux comprendre ce qui fait la spécificité de ce modèle et son succès, mais aussi à éclairer les orientations actuelles au niveau européen autour de la perspective d'investissement social.

National audience since the 1930s, Sweden developed an original approach to social policy, considering it not as a cost, but as a productive investment that makes it possible to reconcile economic efficiency with social fairness. The rhetoric at European level and at the level of the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development on the prospect of social investment, which calls for a shift from 'passive' social expenditure to 'active' social expenditure, seems to be inspired by the policies implemented in the Nordic countries, particularly in Sweden. This article analyses the foundations and development of this Swedish productive social model in order to better understand what makes this model specific and successful, but also to inform the current guidelines at European level on the prospect of social investment. ; Since the 1930s Sweden has developed an original approach to social policy, considering it not as a cost but as a productive investment that can reconcile economic efficiency and social equity. Thus, the social investment discourse, which has become very popular today both at the European and OECD level, and which advocates a reorientation of resources from "passive" to "active" social expenditures, seems to find some of its inspiration in the policies that have been set up in the Nordic countries, and theorized in Sweden especially. This article analyses the foundations and the development of this Swedish productive social model in order to better understand the specificities of this model and its success, but also to put into perspective the current European orientations around the social investment perspective. ; National audience since the 1930s, Sweden developed an original approach to social policy, considering it not as a cost, but as a productive investment that makes it possible to reconcile economic efficiency with social fairness. The rhetoric at European level and at the level of the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development on the prospect of social investment, ...

The Swedish welfare state as a productive social model.
Since the 1930s Sweden has developed an original approach to social policy, considering it not as a cost but as a productive investment that can reconcile economic efficiency and social equity. Thus, the social investment discourse, which has become very popular today both at the European and OECD level, and which advocates a reorientation of resources from " passive" to " active" social expenditures, seems to find some of its inspiration in the policies that have been set up in the Nordic countries, and theorized in Sweden especially. This article analyses the foundations and the development of this Swedish productive social model in order to better understand the specificities of this model and its success, but also to put into perspective the current European orientations around the social investment perspective.

La question du libre choix dans le domaine des politiques sociales s'est imposée comme un élément structurant du débat dans de nombreux pays, se traduisant par la mise en place de nouveaux instruments d'action publique. Cette question est devenue centrale en Suède dès la fin des années 1970, et de nombreuses réformes ont été menées au nom du libre choix, par des gouvernements de droite comme de gauche, entraînant une remise en cause potentiellement importante des principes idéologiques (universalisme et égalitarisme) et des fondements institutionnels (rôle prépondérant de l'État dans l'offre de services) sur lesquels repose l'État-providence social-démocrate.

International audience ; While there is a growing body of literature dealing with the development of migrant domestic work in Western countries, so far there has been very little attention paid to the development of formal domestic services as an economic activity actively structured through public policy. Yet the development of the domestic services sector in Europe is part of a specific political and economic strategy, which has been actively promoted by national governments and national lobby groups, but also by the European Commission since the 1990s, so that it seems warranted to speak of a new 'political economy of domestic work'. The aim of this paper is to analyse the rationale behind this public intervention in favour of the development of domestic services, to highlight the economic, political and social issues it raises and to see how the policies implemented interact with existing welfare / care systems, employment regimes, and prevailing gender and social norms. This paper does so through an analysis of the policy discourse at the EU level, and a comparison of the policies implemented and their consequences in France and Sweden. The choice of these two countries is guided by the fact that while they represent very contrasted social models, France and Sweden are the two countries that have gone furthest in terms of the support provided to domestic services, and they have done so through the introduction of a same policy instrument, namely a 50 % tax reduction on domestic services. We suggest that the uncovering of similar trends in the logic and modes of public intervention and in the social, economic and political consequences of this public intervention in two strongly contrasted national models could be revealing of more global trends in Europe, linked to more profound transformations of welfare states, of labour markets, and of societies more generally.

While there is a growing body of literature dealing with the development of migrant domestic work in Western countries, so far there has been very little attention paid to the development of formal domestic services as an economic activity actively structured through public policy. Yet the development of the domestic services sector in Europe is part of a specific political and economic strategy, which has been actively promoted by national governments and national lobby groups, but also by the European Commission since the 1990s, so that it seems warranted to speak of a new 'political economy of domestic work'. The aim of this paper is to analyse the rationale behind this public intervention in favour of the development of domestic services, to highlight the economic, political and social issues it raises and to see how the policies implemented interact with existing welfare / care systems, employment regimes, and prevailing gender and social norms. This paper does so through an analysis of the policy discourse at the EU level, and a comparison of the policies implemented and their consequences in France and Sweden. The choice of these two countries is guided by the fact that while they represent very contrasted social models, France and Sweden are the two countries that have gone furthest in terms of the support provided to domestic services, and they have done so through the introduction of a same policy instrument, namely a 50 % tax reduction on domestic services. We suggest that the uncovering of similar trends in the logic and modes of public intervention and in the social, economic and political consequences of this public intervention in two strongly contrasted national models could be revealing of more global trends in Europe, linked to more profound transformations of welfare states, of labour markets, and of societies more generally.

While there is a growing body of literature dealing with the development of migrant domestic work in Western countries, so far there has been very little attention paid to the development of formal domestic services as an economic activity actively structured through public policy. Yet the development of the domestic services sector in Europe is part of a specific political and economic strategy, which has been actively promoted by national governments and national lobby groups, but also by the European Commission since the 1990s, so that it seems warranted to speak of a new 'political economy of domestic work'. The aim of this paper is to analyse the rationale behind this public intervention in favour of the development of domestic services, to highlight the economic, political and social issues it raises and to see how the policies implemented interact with existing welfare / care systems, employment regimes, and prevailing gender and social norms. This paper does so through an analysis of the policy discourse at the EU level, and a comparison of the policies implemented and their consequences in France and Sweden. The choice of these two countries is guided by the fact that while they represent very contrasted social models, France and Sweden are the two countries that have gone furthest in terms of the support provided to domestic services, and they have done so through the introduction of a same policy instrument, namely a 50 % tax reduction on domestic services. We suggest that the uncovering of similar trends in the logic and modes of public intervention and in the social, economic and political consequences of this public intervention in two strongly contrasted national models could be revealing of more global trends in Europe, linked to more profound transformations of welfare states, of labour markets, and of societies more generally.

L'Etat suédois a très tôt affirmé la responsabilité de la société (c'est-à-dire de l'Etat, et par le biais d'un financement solidaire par l'impôt) dans la prise en charge des personnes âgées. Dès le début du 20ème siècle, des politiques publiques d'aide aux personnes âgées commencent à se développer, mais c'est surtout à partir de la fin des années 1950 que les services d'aide et de soins prennent leur essor, lorsque l'Etat-providence suédois commence sa phase d'expansion massive. De même que pour le reste du système suédois de protection sociale, il s'agira de mettre en place une politique universelle : une aide accessible à toute la population, attribuée en fonction des besoins de chacun, indépendamment des conditions de ressources et de la situation familiale. Dès le départ, le choix est fait d'offrir des prestations sous forme de services et non en espèces comme cela se fera (et de façon bien plus tardive) dans les autres pays. Ainsi, c'est une prise en charge professionnelle plutôt qu'informelle qui va très tôt se mettre en place. Si les premières mesures vont concerner la prise en charge en institution, dès la fin des années 1950 l'ambition affichée sera de permettre autant que possible le maintien à domicile plutôt qu'en institution pour offrir aux personnes âgées un environnement plus familier et confortable et leur permettre de continuer à participer à la vie dans la communauté. Cette socialisation très précoce du domaine du 'care' (prise en charge des personnes âgées dépendantes tout d'abord, puis prise en charge des jeunes enfants) va rapidement devenir une caractéristique centrale de l'Etat-providence suédois - et des pays Nordiques plus généralement - (Sipilä, 1997) les distinguant des autres modèles de protection sociale dans lesquels le 'care' reste une prérogative familiale et/ou est laissé au marché (Lewis, 1992 ; Jenson, 1997 ; Anttonen et Sipilä, 1996 ; Anttonen, Baldock et Sipilä, 2003). D'un point de vue comparatif, la Suède est de loin le pays le plus généreux dans le domaine de la prise en ...

While there is a growing body of literature dealing with the development of migrant domestic work in Western countries, so far there has been very little attention paid to the development of formal domestic services as an economic activity actively structured through public policy. Yet the development of the domestic services sector in Europe is part of a specific political and economic strategy, which has been actively promoted by national governments and national lobby groups, but also by the European Commission since the 1990s, so that it seems warranted to speak of a new 'political economy of domestic work'. The aim of this paper is to analyse the rationale behind this public intervention in favour of the development of domestic services, to highlight the economic, political and social issues it raises and to see how the policies implemented interact with existing welfare / care systems, employment regimes, and prevailing gender and social norms. This paper does so through an analysis of the policy discourse at the EU level, and a comparison of the policies implemented and their consequences in France and Sweden. The choice of these two countries is guided by the fact that while they represent very contrasted social models, France and Sweden are the two countries that have gone furthest in terms of the support provided to domestic services, and they have done so through the introduction of a same policy instrument, namely a 50 % tax reduction on domestic services. We suggest that the uncovering of similar trends in the logic and modes of public intervention and in the social, economic and political consequences of this public intervention in two strongly contrasted national models could be revealing of more global trends in Europe, linked to more profound transformations of welfare states, of labour markets, and of societies more generally.

International audience ; While there is a growing body of literature dealing with the development of migrant domestic work in Western countries, so far there has been very little attention paid to the development of formal domestic services as an economic activity actively structured through public policy. Yet the development of the domestic services sector in Europe is part of a specific political and economic strategy, which has been actively promoted by national governments and national lobby groups, but also by the European Commission since the 1990s, so that it seems warranted to speak of a new 'political economy of domestic work'. The aim of this paper is to analyse the rationale behind this public intervention in favour of the development of domestic services, to highlight the economic, political and social issues it raises and to see how the policies implemented interact with existing welfare / care systems, employment regimes, and prevailing gender and social norms. This paper does so through an analysis of the policy discourse at the EU level, and a comparison of the policies implemented and their consequences in France and Sweden. The choice of these two countries is guided by the fact that while they represent very contrasted social models, France and Sweden are the two countries that have gone furthest in terms of the support provided to domestic services, and they have done so through the introduction of a same policy instrument, namely a 50 % tax reduction on domestic services. We suggest that the uncovering of similar trends in the logic and modes of public intervention and in the social, economic and political consequences of this public intervention in two strongly contrasted national models could be revealing of more global trends in Europe, linked to more profound transformations of welfare states, of labour markets, and of societies more generally.