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Artikel ini bertujuan mengkaji kumpulan cerita pendek si Palui dalam bahasa Banjar yang terbit teratur di Banjarmasin Post. Kumpulan cerita Palui karya Yustan Azidin (1933-1995) berjudul Si Palui Raja Pandusta digali dan dianalisis dari sudut pandang glokalisasi atau pribumisasi Islam, yakni bagaimana berbagai nilai dan praktik Islam yang universal dan global diserap dan diapropriasi oleh budaya lokal Banjar. Artikel ini juga mencoba menggali berbagai pesan dan kritik yang terkandung di dalam cerita-cerita itu dilihat dalam konteks sosio-politik masa Orde Baru. Dalam kajian ini ditemukan bahwa cerita-cerita itu dengan fasih menghadirkan bagaimana orang-orang Banjar menginternalisasi nilai-nilai Islam melalui kerangka budaya mereka sendiri dalam berbagai bentuk pertemuan dan ritual keagamaan, termasuk pandangan mereka terhadap perempuan dan poligami; bagaimana mereka merespon ideologi pembangunan pemerintah; dan bagaimana mereka memandang orang Jawa sebagai suku terbesar di Indonesia. Cerita-cerita itu juga berhasil menghadirkan humor, kebijaksanaan dan kritik terhadap masyarakat Banjar dan/atau pemerintah Orde Baru. The purpose of the article is to study a collection of short stories of si Palui in Banjarese language that was regularly published in Banjarmasin Post. The collection of the short stories written by Yustan Azidin (1933-1995) entitled Si Palui Raja Pandusta is explored and analyzed in terms of glocalization or indigenization of Islam, that is, how the universal and global Islamic values and practices are absorbed and appropriated in the Banjarese local culture. The article also explores the messages and criticisms contained in the short stories within the socio-political context of the New Order period. This study finds that these short stories eloquently represent how the Banjarese people internalize Islamic values through the framework of their own culture in various forms of religious gatherings and rituals, including their views of woman and polygamy; how they respond to the government's ideology ...

Munawir Sjadzali is known in Indonesia as Minister of Religion of the Republic of Indonesia for two periods (1983-1988 and 1988-1993). Munawir Sjadzali is not only famous for his breakthroughs in government, but also consistent with his thoughts. This is what attracts reviewers of his thought to continue to explore who is Munawir Sjadzali? What are the characteristics of his thoughts, so that the results of his thoughts shake the scientific treasures in Indonesia? At a glance, from the educational aspect, he has made good changes by increasing human resources. Meanwhile, from the aspects of Islam and State Administration, he tends to follow the third stream, a school that on the one hand rejects the notion that Islam contains everything. Likewise, with the issue of bank interest and inheritance, he referred to the spirit of the experience of the caliph Umar bin Khattab. Regarding Munawir's thoughts on the issue of inheritance 2: 2, according to him, this can be accepted because women and men are equal before Allah. What is different is piety and faith.

Tulisan ini berawal dari persoalan tiga masalah yakni komitmen PTAI pada agama Islam sebagai dasar normatif bagi pendidikan yang dilaksanakannya di satu sisi, dan keharusannya untuk tanggap terhadap dinamika perubahan sosial, budaya, politik dan ekonomi di masyarakat di sisi lain. Dua hal ini menjadi pertimbangan yang sangat penting dalam meletakkan pada posisi yang tepat dan proporsional jika PTAI ingin dapat terus bertahan menghadapi perubahan zaman Kata-kata kunci: Kajian keislaman PTAI, normatifitas, dan globalisasi

Studies on religious education teacher's competences in Aceh could not be separated from studies on state's intervention toward education. State hegemony occurs in the form of regulation formalization which regulates efforts for improving qualification and competence of teachers. The research showed that the presence of Act No. 14, 2005 and the Government Regulation No. 74, 2008 had been used as legal reference to encourage the improvement of Aceh religious education teachers' qualification and competence. This is a qualitative study in which triangulation in data collection was used. The data was then collected through documentations, observations, and deep interviews. This work emphasizes that improving teachers' competences in Islamic education system in Aceh was in accordance to and did not contradict with national education system and moreover strengthen the content of Act No. 14, 1005 and Government Regulation No. 74, 2008. Qualification and competence of religious education teachers in Aceh underwent improvement better than previous term. However, teachers experienced that socialization process and implementation of regulation has yet to receive upmost attention. The study also suggests that religious education teachers' qualifications and competences will significantly contribute to the development of religious education quality, thus Islamic education transforms intently in national and state relations order.

Crisis Management Initiative (CMI) is a National Government Organization that focuses on advocacy for sustainable security and conflict resolution. This organization was founded in 2000 by Martti Ahtisaari. Ge was the former president of Finland in 1994-2000. CMI was asked to facilitate negotiation between the Indonesian government and GAM (Free Aceh Movement), through personal contact between Farid Husain and Juha Christensen. Aceh conflict was a disintegration-oriented-conflict, so it was potential to threaten Indonesia's sovereignty.This research used the historical method with heuristic, criticism or verification, interpretation, and historiography stages. The primary sources of data on this research were information in the media, both printed and electronic. Besides, this research also examined or reviewed the literary references that were related and relevant to the research topic. The study was to reveal how the background of CMI's involvement in Aceh peace in 2005, and how the strategic roles of CMI in resolving conflicts until the realization of Aceh peace in 2005 for Aceh remained a part of the Republic of Indonesia (NKRI).The role of CMI as a reputable international institution and getting the trust of both parties, was capable of providing intervention to the conflicting parties so that its role became very strategic in mediating the conflict. The success of CMI was seen from the negotiation held in Helsinki Finland, resulting in the execution of the Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) on August 15, 2005, as a peace agreement. After the signing of the Helsinki MoU, armed conflict stopped, and the social lives were back to normal, and the development process could resume usually.

Observing the current condition of the Indonesian nation has led to a phenomenon that the country is being hit by the crisis in various aspects of life. Various forms of violation and offense grow and develop in daily life of the community, such as: corruption, collusion, nepotism, and drug (narcotics) and alcohol abuse, theft, robbery and prostitution. In this country, it also begins to emerge the tenet and behavior of radicalism that disturb the community and government. On the other side, nowadays is also faced with the clash and confusion of thought of 'the contradiction between religion and the State' embedded to the young generation (millennial generation). The various social problems described above occur due to the low quality of faith and caused the decline of morality and moral degradation of this nation. It needs a fundamental and accurate solution in facing those problems. Improving and rearranging the paradigm, system and orientation of Islamic education according to its framework can be the alternative solution to solve the problems. Islamic education should be a core in the national education curriculum, so that Islamic education will have a complete transformation in people life of this state. A comprehensive and systematic transformation of Islamic education can be done through the following stages: 1) Religious education should be the core in the national education curriculum, and the substance of religious teachings should not be disputed in nation's life. 2) Religious education in schools and colleges/universities must be taught by qualified and professional teachers and lecturers, and 3) Implementation of religious education materials should fit the needs and age of learners.

This paper discusses the discourses of Indonesian Muslim intellectuals on the works of Ali Shariati and Hassan Hanafi in Indonesia's New Order. The literature discussed here consists primarily of the articles written by prominent Indonesian Muslim intellectuals, and most of the articles were introductions to the translated books of Shariati and Hanafi. The articles shows us that Shariati's and Hanafi's ideas were received, interpreted, criticized, and appropriated by the intellectuals in order to make them relevant to the Indonesian context.The idealization of Shariati as an intellectual, a more open attitude towards Shi'ism, and the discussion of his socialist tendencies could not be separated from the demands of the Indonesian political situation during the New Order. Likewise, Hanafi's ideas on the relation between religion, ideology and development, and the Islamic Left and Occidentalism found their relevance to the Indonesian socio-political context.Therefore, the discourses are elements of the New Order's Islamic discourses.DOI:10.15408/sdi.v25i2.7181

Observing the phenomenon of shifting similarity, especially in the cultural aspects of recitation (beut) of the Qur'an in the prevention of community life. The Aceh Besar District Government is based on the value of dedication and moral responsibility to intervene through a breakthrough and policy on Beut Al-Qur'an Ba'da Magrib (BABM) Program. The implementation of BABM refers to two main foundations: First, the socio-cultural foundation, in which the seumeubet tradition has been deeply rooted in the Acehnese society carried out in meunasah, mosques, balee seumeubeut or in private homes. Second, the juridical basis, in the form of Law No. 11 of 2016 on the Government of Aceh, and the Regulation of the Regent of Aceh Besar. 53 of 2012 on Guidelines for Implementation Beut Al-Qur'an Ba'da Magrib In Aceh Besar District. The BABM program, which has been running for five years since it was launched in 2012 and continues to date in 604 gampongs in Aceh Besar District, has received good results. First, the BABM program has yielded good results on the development and improvement of the literacy of al-Qur'an for school-aged children in Aceh Besar. Second, the BABM program also has a positive impact on increasing religious understanding among school-aged children through the addition of a number of religious teaching materials taught in BABM programs, as well as changing their character better than ever. Third, through the implementation of the BABM program has also fostered the spirit of religious practice among the community, while reducing the negative impacts and criminality in the community.

South Kalimantan, the original home of the Banjarese, is one of the most exclusively Muslim provinces in Indonesia. Therefore, in order to understand this region one should not only study the doctrines and rituals of Islam but also the manifestation of Islam in socio-cultural and political realities.The study of Islam in its social dimensions would provide us the ability to explain, predict and even to some extent control the religious tendencies in society. Based on current statistics and contemporary media reports, this paper presents a number of social issues related to religion that should be scientifically studied such as the historical development of Islam in the region, the role of the ulama, Islam and local culture, local politics and public rituals, drug abuses and the influences of the new media. These contemporary socio-religious issues are very important but still scarcely researched.

This article presents about the concept of "ahl al kitab" on the context of political aspect in Indonesia. It aims to to show the existence of 'ahl kitab' in relation to the political aspect in Indonesia. The methodology applied was using normative approaches in order to be able to find out the extent of 'Ahl al-Kitab' on the context of political aspect in Indonesia. It is shown that Islam supports the existence of the other religions. The prophet Muhammad stated that Islam is a continuity of previous religions. Furthermore the discourse of 'ahl al Kitab' on political aspect in Indonesia is related to the existence of this statement as a position in between secular and Islamic nation. It is realized that the extent of ''ahl al Kitab' concept that covers all of religions in Indonesia still arises problem concerning the existence of religions and believe that schools are involved in educating about religion field of study. In fact, the Moslem scholars in Indonesia attempt to extent the concept of 'ahl al Kitab' so that the existence of the other religions is accepted as officially recognized religions, including inter-faith marriage matters.

The Indonesian nation is being hit by a moral crisis. This is due to mistakes in both policy and operational levels in education, economics, politics and law. Educational institutions especially accused of failing to shape the character, moral and noble character of the students. This phenomenon seems to be the basis for universities to think, implement and develop the paradigm and character education system in line with the spirit of Islamic sharia values. Through Islamic education-based educational model that actualized in the process of education in total and comprehensive provide wide space and opportunity to shape the character and personality of children (students) in accordance with the demands of Islamic values. So in the end, the orientation and the ultimate goal of educational activities to realize the individual (Muslim person) and members of society (Muslim community) who have a high quality of faith, noble, character, knowledgeable and professional can be achieved.

Muslim-Christian relations have been an important element of the social and political dynamics of Indonesia during the New Order period (1966-1998), and an ever sensitive object of Government policy. The relations between Muslims and Christians have been tense because of mutual suspicions existing between them. These mutual suspicions have been reflected in, and exacerbated by, the antagonistic discourses in which the Muslim and Christian leaders perceived each other as a threat against their respective religious communities. Among the Muslims, the Christian threat has been called 'Kristenisasi' (Christianisation). In the Muslim discourse, Christianisation meant unfair and aggressive efforts to convert Muslims to Christianity. The Muslim fear of Christianisation sometimes led several Muslims to violent action, by attacking church buildings and Christian schools. They also demanded that the Government control and restrict Christian missions by (1) making strict requirements for obtaining permission to erect a new place of worship; (2) restricting religious propagation only to those outside the five recognised religions; and (3) controlling foreign aid for religious institutions; (4) prohibiting inter-religious marriage; (5) requiring that religion classes given at schools should be taught by a teacher whose religious background was the same as that of students. The Government generally responded ambiguously to these demands: they were materialised into regulations, but were loosely implemented. Whereas the Muslims felt insecure and threatened by Christianisation, the Christians were afraid of the threat of an Islamic State. For the Christians, to have to live under an Islamic state in which the shar?'a law was implemented would mean that they would be turned into second-class citizens. To protect themselves from the threat of the Muslim ideological ambition, the Christians decided to ally with the emerging power of the army. This political choice was apparently natural for the Christians because, like the politically secular-oriented Muslims among the civilians, the army was known as the strongest proponent of the nationalist ideological outlook (as opposed the Islamic ideology). One of the consequences of this alliance was that the Christians became less critical if not totally supportive to the New Order authoritarianism. Worse than that, in their protest against certain Government policies, it was not uncommon that the Muslims blamed the Christians as the brain behind those policies. This was typically true when Muslims opposed certain Government policies clearly or allegedly came from the Centre for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS), a think tank established by an important group of Catholic activists in cooperation with two important army generals. Despite its ambiguous responses to the Muslim-Christian conflicts, since early 1970s, the Government sponsored inter-religious dialogue events in which religious leaders were invited to talk about a common discourse on development. Not all Muslim and Christian intellectuals, however, agreed with the Government imposed discourse. Some of them developed a counter discourse on social justice by developing a theology of liberation. In 1990s, some private institutions were established to promote dialogue. It was in this period that some Muslim and Christian intellectuals developed a common discourse on democracy and pluralism.