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AbstractThis article provides a picture of the political economy of tourism and violence in Medellín. It analyses the way criminal actors and tourism entrepreneurs share a territory, by shedding light on the extortion of tour guides, street performers and business owners in some of its barrios populares (poor neighbourhoods). The main objective is to demonstrate how intimate relationships – between and among kin, friends, long-term acquaintances – impact what is considered the criminal governance of tourism. This contribution shows that extortion in Medellín meets only limited resistance from tourism entrepreneurs. It also emphasises how criminals, tourism actors and tourists themselves contribute to the creation of fragile secured spaces in the developing touristscapes of Colombia's second city.

L'espace post-yougoslave est caractérisé par des courants nationalistes importants et antagonistes, entraînant d'intenses conflits de mémoire. Cependant, les notions récentes de « yougonostalgie » et « yougosphère » semblent renvoyer à une représentation plus englobante de la mémoire, étant associée à l'identité yougoslave en opposition aux identités nationales renforcées par les guerres des années 1990. La question qui sous-tend cette analyse est d'établir dans quelle mesure des éléments relevant de la période yougoslave, conceptualisés en termes de « patrimoine socialiste », sont promus afin de proposer, au-delà des différences nationales, un patrimoine partagé.

Medellin and New Orleans were regularly presented as resilience flagships of the Rockefeller's 100 Resilient Cities (100RC) program. In this article, I will demonstrate how 100RC was embedded or abandoned in both cities' policies. The two case studies provide an opportunity to understand how the 100RC approach to resilience offered – or failed to offer – an appropriate space for the multiple deployments of resilience. 100RC initially promoted an integrative definition of resilience, aiming to address natural as well as social stresses and shocks. I argue that this holistic approach paradoxically contributed to limiting the multiplicity of resilience in both cities. In Medellin, the project came to a halt after political changes. New Orleans eventually developed a more reductionist and technical approach than that initially formulated, focusing on the effectiveness of infrastructures rather than social changes. Considering the importance of contextualizing resilience to local concerns, this analysis will thus demonstrate some of the challenges implied in the institutionalization of a global model of resilience. Moreover, it will also highlight the importance of contextualizing neoliberalism and question the widespread vision of resilient cities as being merely neoliberal.

L'année 2020 a vu la «résilience» fleurir dans les discours politiques et médiatiques. La crise actuelle offre un cadre pour saisir les nuances associées à cette notion et préciser ses multiples significations, parfois contradictoires.

The two case studies presented here are situated in 'Comuna 13', notorious for its past guerrilla activity and repressed by military and paramilitary armed operations in the 2000s. 'Galeria Viva' (Living Gallery) and 'Cuerpos Gramaticales' (Grammatical Bodies) are two memorial initiatives conceived of here as resources for resistance. Through an annual commemoration event introduced in 2014, Cuerpos Gramaticales offers artistic and memorial performances in diverse public spaces of Medellin, enacting the partial burial of dozens of individuals to denounce the disappearance of their relatives in a mass grave in Comuna 13. Launched in 2017, Galeria Viva is a project that focuses on painting murals on the walls of the cemetery 'La América', representing teenagers that were assassinated; the paintings are generally co-produced with relatives of the victims.

This contribution aims to explore how 'atmosphere' can be disseminated in urban settings in Switzerland, through the development of what is referred to as 'encounter zones` ('zones de rencontre' in French and 'Begegnungszonen' in German). This urban planning tool dedicated to regulating traffic and allowing different users (pedestrians, cars, bicycles, etc.) to cohabit in a non-segregated space has been introduced all over the country since its official integration into the national legislation in 2002. The main objective is to determine how these areas can become appropriate settings for the development of a desirable atmosphere, conceived here as a quality of place where social encounters and space sharing can happen. In other words, the purpose is to determine if these areas can become more than just a traffic regulation tool, and contribute to social cohesion and the development of lively neighbourhoods. This paper is based on anthropological empirical findings collected in a larger study on encounter zones in Western Switzerland.

Cet ouvrage se place à la croisée de l'anthropologie et de la géographie sociale, analysant le patrimoine culturel et le secteur touristique dans un contexte postconflit. Le cadre d'étude se limite à deux villes, célèbres pour le siège qu'elles ont vécu durant les guerres qui ont meurtri l'ex-Yougoslavie dans les années 1990 : Vukovar, une ville secondaire de Slavonie, en Croatie orientale, et Sarajevo, la capitale de la Bosnie-Herzégovine. Vingt ans après la fin des conflits, des sites sont toujours en ruines, et certains lieux de mémoire sont devenus des symboles incontournables de la guerre, au niveau local comme au niveau international. Si les immeubles détruits, les mines antipersonnel et les impacts de mortiers disparaissent progressivement du paysage, certaines traces sont encore présentes, conservées volontairement ou laissées à l'abandon. En outre, des pratiques – muséales, touristiques, artistiques – participent également à la patrimonialisation de ces conflits, à travers la mobilisation d'objets contemporains de ces événements (la muséification d'un site guerrier) ou par la création d'éléments a posteriori (la construction d'un mémorial). Par une intense mise en mémoire de la guerre, certaines villes en ex-Yougoslavie tendent ainsi à acquérir un statut de martyr, une construction symbolique qui répond à des agendas politiques autant que socio-économiques et qui alimente les conflits de mémoire dans la région.

In diesem Artikel werden wir den Einfluss eines Konflikts auf die Produktion eines touristischen Imaginären untersuchen, das an einen spezifischen Ort, nämlich Sarajevo, die Hauptstadt Bosnien-Herzegowinas gebunden ist. Diese Stadt, ebenso wie der gesamte Balkan, wurde häufig mit einem Pulverfass verglichen, insbesondere in der medialen Berichterstattung über den Konflikt, der den Balkan in den 90er Jahren erfasste. Zudem erzeugen gewisse kinematographische Werke ein romantisiertes und orientalistisches Bild dieser Region, indem sie diese größtenteils mit Feuer und Blut assoziieren. Wir werden aufzeigen, dass diese sicher grob vereinfachende und reduktionistische Wahrnehmung bei gewissen Touristen ein Imaginäres, ja eine Faszination und Abenteuerlust zu erzeugen imstande ist. In diesem Sinne machen sich lokale Akteure die durch den Krieg gezeichneten Orte oder auch symbolische Orte des Widerstands zu Nutzen und diese Orte schreiben sich wiederum nach und nach in die touristische Landschaft der Stadt und der Region ein.

If the link between war and tourism has already received considerable academic and media attention, the spatial representation of war in the tourism sector is still emerging in the fields of cultural geography and anthropology. In this paper I seek to explore the reconversion and touristification of sites traumatised by war – which I have approached using the concept of Traumascape – by presenting a case study in the Balkan region, Sarajevo, the capital of Bosnia-Herzegovina. This city lived through a terrible and traumatic siege during the Balkan wars of the 1990s and is now undergoing a process of post-conflict reconstruction. Tourists are now coming back to the region and many are eager to visit the war heritage left by the conflict. So-called ʽwar tours', leading tourists through war-affected areas, are appearing in the town: the Times of Misfortune tour, The Total siege tour, the MissionImpossible tour and other tours labelled as political tours are taking place in the capital of Bosnia-Herzegovina. The touristification of these sites and of the Balkan wars in general raises many questions in terms of the representation and interpretation of a collective and recent trauma: why are certain sites touristified and others not? Can tourism foster cooperation and reconciliation between divided communities? Can tourism be a vector of expression and information? And finally is the difference between a tourist attraction and a memorial as clear as it is generally stated?

Cet article explore l'impact de la pandémie de Covid-19 sur les «mondes de l'art» (Becker 1988) à Genève, la seconde ville de Suisse. L'objectif principal est de déterminer si la pandémie a radicalement reconfiguré les mondes de l'art, ou si cette crise sanitaire n'a fait que renforcer des tendances existantes, à savoir la logique marchande qui sous-tend les milieux artistiques et la nécessité toujours plus importante pour les artistes de développer des capacités entrepreneuriales. En prêtant attention aux discours des artistes et des responsables d'institutions culturelles, cette étude se focalise sur deux périodes : une première faisant suite à la première vague de Covid-19 en été 2020, puis une seconde se déroulant après la deuxième vague au printemps 2021.

Households have a role to play in the so-called 'energy turn' in Switzerland, a policy framework that calls for more efficient energy usage. Against this backdrop, this article critically analyses the mechanisms and running of a programme aimed at improving energy usage among low-income households in western Switzerland, bringing together both environmental and social objectives or what was termed an 'eco-social intervention'. Based on ethnographic fieldwork and informed by a Foucauldian governmentality approach, the power dynamics of this programme are exposed, and its effect on the lived experience and subjectification of both household members and energy ambassadors are discussed. We argue that while presenting the appearance of technical rationality and political neutrality, this type of programme seeks to govern behaviours and leaves the ultimate responsibility for the protection of the environment on individuals, rather than promoting more collective and inclusive actions. Furthermore, we unravel how this programme participates in the reproduction of social differentiation by aiming at a particular social group, low-income households living in subsidised housing. We conclude with a discussion on how initiatives aimed at households could engage with the more complex arrangements of everyday life, rather than solely individual eco-gestures, while accounting for power dynamics.

Declaring that a tourist Colombia guarantees a post-conflict reconstruction is not a performative act. We must therefore ask ourselves whether perceiving tourism as a tool in the service of peace is more of a myth or a reality. After a brief look at the recovery of Colombian tourism since the beginning of the 2000s, this article aims to observe some of the challenges that have characterised the sector since the signing of peace agreements between the government and the FARC-Ep, such as the rebuilding the country's image, prostitution and narco-tourism, the issue of access to land and resources, the promotion of eco-tourism and "community" tourism, and the role of this industry in the reintegration of demobilised combatants.