RESUMEN: En el período de post-Guerra Fría se ha venido consolidando una mirada diferente en los estudios sobre migraciones, fronteras y ciudadanía. Esta nueva comunidad epistémica desafía los límites establecidos con propuestas que articulan modos de subjetivación política, luchas migrantes y prácticas de ciudadanía. Mediante la revisión de la literatura al respecto, el presente artículo propone una aproximación a las prácticas emergentes de ciudadanías transfronterizas. La investigación evidencia que migrantes, desplazados, solicitantes de asilo y refugiados reclaman la reconfiguración del espacio común, cuestionan los límites de la comunidad política y pugnan por la "ampliación conflictiva" del demos legítimo, avanzando en la reivindicación de la democratización de las fronteras. ; ABSTRACT: In the period following the end of the Cold War, a different outlook has become consolidated in studies on migration, borders and citizenship. This new epistemic community challenges the limits established with proposals that articulate modes of political subjectivation, migrant struggles and citizenship practices. By reviewing the relevant academic literature, this article proposes an approach to the emerging practices of cross-border citizenships. The research shows that migrants, displaced persons, asylum seekers and refugees, all call for the reconfiguration of a common space, question the limits of the political community, and fight for the "conflictive enlargement" of the legitimate demos, advancing in vindication of the democratization of borders.
The subject of study of this doctoral thesis is addressing to the nexus configuration between asylum and intern displacement migratory processes and the identifiable response in control and management migratory and border-crossing policies which state a "Border-crossing Order of things ". Additionally, analyzing the potential challenge/response to that identifiable order in "Transborder Citizenship Emerging Practices" by migrants, displaced people and refugees. A comparative study is carried out about/in the frontiers Spain-Morocco (European Union) and Colombia-Venezuela (Andean Community of Nations) in the period 1990-2010. In Chapter One, it is intended to made clear the coordinates about the What and How of the research as well as the results. This is done by three subsections: the literature review and the approach to the problem; research questions, hypothesis and research objectives; research methodology. The methodological design used poses a combination between qualitative and comparative research, which allow us to analyze and compare observations and descriptions (exploratory-descriptive research) and also to analyze and compare the addresses and representations (analytical-interpretive research). Generally, the type of comparison followed was the one proposed by Skocpol and Somers called " Contrast of Contexts " which is essential for the interpretive comparative variant in social sciences, different to the type of comparison by " hypothesis control ". On the other hand, we followed Charles Ragin's (1987) suggestions about the "Case-oriented Research " and about the complex problems of the " Conjunctural Causality ", in other words, causal models that vary " according to the context ". In Chapter Two, Global Order of Control and Management of Migrations and Borders. The emergence from the Migration-Displacement-Asylum nexus, the contextualization is made and the characteristics for this order are shown; in order to highlight transformation of the international migration tendencies to forced migrations and alongside with it, the emergence of the Migration-Displacement-Asylum nexus. The global order of control and migrations management as a border regime responds to a policy spin and to the policies that transform the frontiers into a mechanism for the migration control (Faist, 2003); just as shown in the detailed description of the global and regional control agendas, management and migration and border-crossing cooperation; migration and border-crossing policies, and the protection and asylum policies for refugees, asylum seeker and migrants in the frontiers Spain-Morocco and Colombia-Venezuela. In Chapter Three, emerging typologies related to the migration-displacement-asylum nexus that allowed us to make the analysis and the comparison in the specific border-crossing zones Spain-Morocco and Colombia-Venezuela; which have a big potential of being used in other case studies. These typologies correspond to: the closely related causes of forced and voluntary migration in their home countries; the diverse motivations of several migrants, displaced and asylum seekers; motivation changes during migration for many migrants, displaced and asylum seekers; motivation changes during migration for many migrants, displaced people and asylum seekers; the close relation between refugees and economic migrants in some transit countries in the Spain-Morocco frontier and the close relationship between refugees and economic migrants on the way through Colombian regions; the rising similarities in the migration process for both " forced " and " voluntary " migrants; refugees and migrant workers can have similar experiences in the host countries; the experience of return, repatriation or deportation can be similar. We have built an analytical-comparative proposal that includes theoretical contributions from anthropology and politics about frontiers and migrations, entering into conversation with political theories about frontiers, migrations and citizenship. Our proposal consists in analyzing control and migration/border-crossing management politics and the " transborder citizenship emerging practices " through two analytic triads " ( IBO-1 e IBO-2 ) ", known in critical literature about frontiers as " IBO ( IFO in spanish ) triad: Identities, Borders, Orders " ( Kearney, 1995; Albert, Jacobson and Lapid, 2001; Van Houtuum and Van Naerssen, 2001 ). The analytic and comparative effort allowed to integrate the two triads in three related pairs ( I-1 and I-2 ), ( B-1 and B-2 ), ( O-1 and O-2 ) between the state-built identities and their migration policies ( I-1 ) and the ways of identification-disidentification that the migrants-displaced-asylum seekers and refugees claim and negotiate ( I-2 ). Between the states border-crossing control ( B-1 ) and the unauthorized border crossing of the migrants-displaced-asylum seekers ( B-2 ). Between the states' power and the politics orders ( O-1) and the ways of political subjectivation from the migrants-displaced-asylum seekers and refugees (O-2 ). The IBO-1 triad corresponds to the border-crossing order of things and the IBO-2 triad to the potential challenge to that order via transborder citizenship emerging practices. In Chapters Four and Five, the previous analytical-comparative framework was applied in the Spain-Morocco and Colombia-Venezuela borders. In each case, the control and management migratory and border-crossing policies were analyzed taking into account three main aspects: identities production and classification, specially the political and civic identities. This is selectivity (Filter function); the frontierization practices, not only control and regulation but also the border-permeability function (Filter function), who can or cannot enter (citizens and non-citizens production ), taking into account the role of the States as well as their regional, global and local registry. In this dimension we talk about the border-crossing order of things. On the other hand, also in each case, the practices from the migrant, displaced, refugees, asylum seeker citizenships in other border games through de-frontierization practices; it is about authorized and unauthorized border-crossing agents and they answer to the Border Crossing Control but previously, they have been qualified and some identities have been attributed such as "irregulars", "illegals", "undesirables" and so on, against that, they answer de facto, claiming-verifying that "Any human being is illegal"; this through active processes of disidentification and disclassification, they will be rejecting, also de facto, their imputation as non-citizens; and in this process, they act as if they were citizens, in an equality verification as human beings and as a subject of universal law (Ranciére, 1999). Summarizing, these are "transborder citizenship emerging practices " from these migrant subjects alongside with their regional, global and local registry. In this analysis dimension, we talk about the (potential) challenge to the border-crossing order of things. Chapter Six gathers the compared analysis about the Spain-Morocco and Colombia-Venezuela borders. In this doctoral thesis, defining two case study was from the beginning the search for a comparative analysis that allowed addressing every case itself to give account of its own dynamics and evolution. From the particularities of the migration-displacement-asylum nexus in each border-crossing zone, there was an advance in a comparison, not as a migratory flows problem itself, but in its political articulations related to migration/border-crossing control and management politics and the citizenship practices. Actors and their political interactions related to their position in the face of borders. Borders are the matters of dispute that reconfigures constantly the concept of politics and the political Chapter Seven about conclusions was oriented to answer the question "How migrants, displaced people and refugees are constituted as political actors and are allowed to appeal to their community members condition? As exposed in the conclusions, in their transborder migrants condition and the democratization assertion from the borders, the transborder citizenship emerging practices take shape. Finally, we present some limitations, possible contributions from the doctoral thesis and some proposals for the future research development. The importance of contributing with studies that overcome the methodological nationalism and the internal focus was posed; also contributing to the methodological, epistemological and conceptual change in the borders, migrations and citizenship studies and strengthening a new epistemic community; and contribution to the ongoing research program about the relation between identity, borders and political orders in border-crossing zones. This analytical-comparative proposal pretends to be one step to the formation of a method or a theory about the comparative anthropology in the borders and periphery and more specifically, as the presentation of the border-crossing order of things and its challenge hypothesis. Therefore, the same questions that we have posed in this doctoral thesis could be asked concerning different borders and demarcation and policies regimes to perform compared works about how some borders are built and the migration processes that pass through it. A short-term future researching development could be addressing the migration-displacement-asylum nexus with a comparative analysis of the borders between Colombia and Venezuela and, Ecuador and Panama in the post-peace agreement transition process.
Los estudios sobre el papel de las fronteras en los procesos de migración internacional, reportan un nuevo giro político y de las políticas: la transformación que experimentan las fronteras territoriales de los Estados como mecanismos del control migratorio. Esta transformación ocurre mediante procesos de desterritorialización de las fronteras, al mismo tiempo en que se produce la externalización de las políticas migratorias. Ambos procesos, son canalizados mediante políticas y prácticas de control y cooperación, en torno a la gestión de fronteras y la contención de flujos migratorios irregulares, en un contexto global de securización que ha convertido la relación entre migraciones y fronteras en una nueva hipótesis de conflicto. Mediante la revisión de la literatura pertinente, académica y normativa, se describen y analizan las políticas y prácticas definidas por la Unión Europea y sus Estados miembros en el Espacio de Libertad, Seguridad y Justicia (ELSJ), y su implementación en la frontera España-Marruecos, lugar estratégico en el subsistema migratorio del sur de Europa por sus relaciones con los países del Mediterráneo Sur, África del norte y África Subsahariana.
RESUMEN: Los estudios sobre el papel de las fronteras en los procesos de migración internacional, reportan un nuevo giro político y de las políticas: la transformación que experimentan las fronteras territoriales de los Estados como mecanismos del control migratorio. Esta transformación ocurre mediante procesos de desterritorialización de las fronteras, al mismo tiempo en que se produce la externalización de las políticas migratorias. Ambos procesos, son canalizados mediante políticas y prácticas de control y cooperación, en torno a la gestión de fronteras y la contención de flujos migratorios irregulares, en un contexto global de securización que ha convertido la relación entre migraciones y fronteras en una nueva hipótesis de conflicto. Mediante la revisión de la literatura pertinente, académica y normativa, se describen y analizan las políticas y prácticas definidas por la Unión Europea y sus Estados miembros en el Espacio de Libertad, Seguridad y Justicia (ELSJ), y su implementación en la frontera España-Marruecos, lugar estratégico en el subsistema migratorio del sur de Europa por sus relaciones con los países del Mediterráneo Sur, Africa del norte y Africa Subsahariana. ; ABSTRACT: Studies on the role of borders in international migration processes indicate a political turnaround and new policies: the transformation experienced by territorial boundaries of states as immigration control mechanisms. This transformation occurs through processes of border deterritorialization at the same time that the externalization of migration policies take place. Both processes are channeled through cooperation and control practices and policies on border management and migration control especially on illegal ones. The aforementioned, in a global securitization context, has turned the relation between migrations and borders in a new conflict hypothesis. By reviewing the relevant academic literature and policy, the article describes and analyzes policies and practices defined by the European Union and its member states, in the Area of Freedom, Security and Justice (AFSJ), and its implementation in the Spain-Morocco border, which is a strategic place in the Southern European Migration Subsystem due to its proximity with the South Mediterranean, North Africa and Sub-Saharan Africa.
RESUMEN: Con el fin de avanzar en la respuesta a la pregunta ¿qué ciudades y cuáles ciudadanos se están formando por la vía del desplazamiento forzado en Colombia?, el artículo retoma los conceptos de ciudadanías mestizas y estado de guerra, así como destaca las experiencias de denegación de reconocimiento de las personas en situación de desplazamiento forzado, y alude al sentido de las vivencias y experiencias de estos sujetos en tanto portadores de equipajes politico-culturales desplegados en su lucha por el derecho a la ciudad. El texto trata finalmente de resaltar la importancia epistemológica y política de una gramática moral del ejercicio ciudadano de la población en situación de desplazamiento forzado en Colombia.
RESUMEN: En Colombia, el desplazamiento interno forzado de población es un eje de larga duración; se inscribe en una confrontación armada multipolar y diferencial en las regiones; las víctimas son diversas: no pertenecen a una etnia, a una religión, a una clase o a un grupo social específico. La fragilidad de la Nación, unida a la virtualidad de los derechos y a la profunda debilidad de la democracia tiene efectos que producen cambios y reestructuraciones en las culturas locales y nacionales. Al tiempo, se intensifican las situaciones de exclusión e intolerencia que padecen los nuevos desplazados expulsados a las ciudades. Emergen, en consecuencia, luchas por reconocimiento del derecho a la nación y a la ciudad, inscritas en una plataforma múltiple que debiera ser responsabilidad de todo el país: estabilización socioeconómica, reconocimiento social, inclusión política y reparación moral. ; ABSTRACT: In Colombia, forced internal displacement of population is a long term axis; inscribed in a multipolar an diferential armed confrontation in the regions; tre victims are diverse: they don´t belong to a race, a religion, or a specific social group or class. The fragility of nation, joint to the virtuality of rights and the deep weakness of democracy has effects that produce changes and restructuration in the local and national cultures. At the same time, is growing the intensity of exclusion and intolerance situations suffered by new displaced people forced away to cities. In consecuence, struggles for recognition to the right of Nation and City emerge, inscribed in a multiple platform trat should be responsability of the whole country: socioeconomic stabilization, social recognition, political inclusion, and moral reparation.
El artículo se refiere a la conformación de ciudadanía en Medellín. En la línea de reflexión histórica cultural, presenta, inicialmente, una delimitación teórica, que permite abordar problemas como el de la política y la cultura en las ciudades modernas. Este marco sirve de punto de referencia para identificar procesos en Medellín, en los que se contrastan los postulados de las políticas urbanas, y la integración social. Finalmente, la autora hace una reflexión sobre la relación entre la lógica y acción de la política urbana en la ciudad.
RESUMEN: La pregunta central de este artículo se refiere a los límites y posibilidades de la formación de ciudadanía en un contexto complejo, conflictivo y turbulento como el colombiano. En el texto se reconoce la necesidad de pensar la ciudadanía, lo político y la cultura política desde puntos de vista diferentes que superen las apreciaciones políticas convencionales y rígidas que han acompañado estos conceptos. Entonces, se aborda la formación de ciudadanía como un campo de exploración dentro de la cultura política, en el cual lo público se entiende como una experiencia histórica-cultural con horizonte normativo. Así, la reconstrucción de aprendizajes sociales y pedagogías ciudadanas se convierte en la vía para comprender las ciudadanías realmente existentes y en la posibilidad de construir ciudadanías democráticas en las que los sujetos ejercen sus derechos y fortalecen sus capacidades críticas para actuar responsablemente en la resolución colectiva de los problemas sociales.
RESUMEN: Este artículo describe los procesos de socialización política de los universitarios a través de las interacciones cara a cara —en la familia, en el vecindario, en la universidad— y de los medios de comunicación análogos —televisión, radio, prensa— y virtuales —redes sociales, blogs—. Una vez analizado cómo se informan sobre política y en qué espacios hablan de estos temas, se analiza el interés en la política, así como las imágenes que los universitarios tienen de esta. Con base en estas variables se concluye que la Universidad es un entorno político en el que no puede verificase una apatía política en los actores clave de la vida universitaria —estudiantes, profesores y empleados administrativos—, no solo porque sí les interesan estos asuntos, sino porque se informan y conversan sobre política en distintos espacios de socialización, se sienten con capacidades y competencias para enfrentar esa esfera, y predomina una visión crítica de la política y de la forma como es conducida en la sociedad colombiana. ; ABSTRACT: This article describes the processes of political socialization of the university students through face to face interactions —within the family, the neighborhood, and the university—, and media, such as television, radio, newspapers, social network sites, and blogs. After the analysis of the sources of political information, and the places where this population talks and discusses these topics, the article approaches the general interest in politics and the different ways in which students conceive politics. Based on these variables, the study concludes that the university is a political environment in which it is not possible to establish a political apathy. Students, professors, and the university staff are openly interested in politics, make the effort to be well informed about these subjects, and constantly discuss them in different places of socialization. They feel empowered to discuss about politics and, in general, a critical vision about politics, and the way it is managed in the Colombian society prevails.
RESUMEN: El presente artículo se orienta a nutrir el estudio politológico de la política pública sobre desplazamiento forzado en Colombia. Este ejercicio se realiza desde el marco de análisis de las políticas públicas territoriales como redes de política pública y gobernanza local. Se presenta, en primer lugar, un apartado sobre la reconceptualización en torno a las políticas públicas, abordando lo que ha sido su análisis, su hechura, sus redes y la gobernanza local. El segundo apartado, se ocupa de la "recontextualización" de las redes de política pública y gobernanza local en contextos como los de América Latina y Colombia, señalando la existencia de redes de clientelismo político, redes políticas sociobélicas, y de redes de acción política comunitaria y social. En tercer lugar, se presentan las políticas públicas territoriales como redes de política pública y gobernanza local, y se retoma la experiencia de diseño y formulación (hechura), de las políticas públicas de desplazamiento forzado en el Departamento de Antioquia y la ciudad de Medellín en Colombia. Por último, se sugieren algunas conclusiones sobre las posibilidades del análisis de políticas públicas territoriales como redes de política pública. ; ABSTRACT: The present article is oriented to the nutrition of the political study of the public policies on forced displacement in Colombia. This exercise is carried out from the framework of analysis of territorial politics as public policy networks and local governance. The article presents, in the first place, a section on the re-conceptualization of public policies, focusing on their analysis, their creation, their networks and local governance. The second part, examines the "re-contextualization" of public policy networks and local governance in contexts such as those of Latin America and Colombia, indicating the existence of political patronage systems, socio-military political networks, and networks of common political and social action. In the third part, territorial politics are presented as public policy networks and local governance, and the experience of the design and formulation (creation) of the public policies on forced displacement in the Department of Antioquia and the city of Medellín in Colombia are examined. Finally, some conclusions are suggested on the possibilities for the analysis of territorial politics as public policy networks.
RESUMEN: Desde las arenas desde nuestro contexto socio-cultural y político-complejo, conflictivo y turbulento- nos estamos haciendo la pregunta por las experiencias de ciudadanía que se construyen desde las fronteras, desde los espacios de los derechos conculcados e infringidos, pero también desde los procesos de deliberación publica y participación ciudadana, pues en todos ellos se ponen en escena las luchas por el reconocimiento. Estas formar diversas del ejercicio ciudadano tienen que ver con una gramática moral de la política. ; ABSTRACT: From our social, cultural and political context-a complex-, conflictive and turbulent one- we are searching for citizenships experiences built no only from frontiers, from spaces of trampled and infringed rights, but alson from the public deliberation and citizen participation processes, since, in all of them struggles for recognition are staged. These different forms of citizen exercise have to do with a moral grammar of politics.
RESUMEN: El artículo relaciona los procesos de urbanización, la formación de ciudadanía y el reconocimiento del derecho a la ciudad en la ciudad de Medellín. Para empezar, se afirma que en las ciudades contemporáneas sucede una ciudadanización de la política. A continuación, se hace un recorrido histórico siguiendo las interacciones entre luchas sociales y políticas urbanas; interpretadas como gramática civil y orden estatal. Finalmente, se propone una re-lectura de los territorios urbanos informales, para superar la visión de la "ciudad dual". Estos puntos, entre otros, son la base para justificar una agenda de investigación urbana, en una perspectiva política y cultural. ; ABSTRACT: This article relates the housin processes, the citizendship formation and recognition of the right in the city of Medellín. To begin, it said that in the modern cities, a citizenship is hapenning in politics. In the following a brief historical, review presented the interactions between social struggles and urban politics, interpreted as civil grammar and estatal order. Finally, a re-reading of the informal urban territories is proposed, to overcome the vision of the "dual city". These points, among others, are the basics to justify an investigative urban agenda, under a political and cultural perspective.
