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l'étude sociologigue de la famille a fait ses débuts au Québec il y a plus de 100 ans. Or, à la fin des années 1960, les cours de sociologie de la famille se sont rapidement répandus dans les universités anglo‐canadiennes. Cet article vise à examiner la sociologie familiale et son développement autant sur le plan académique qu'en ce qui a trait à la société canadienne entre 1964 et 1989. L'auteure tente également d'ex‐pliquer la hausse et le déclin dans l'étude de la famille par les socio‐logues canadiens depuis la fin du XIXe siecle. Le but de cet article est d'apporter un complément à lTiistoire de la sociologie canadienne, qui est en train de se développer et qui dispose de peu de références à ce jour dans ce sous‐domaine. Enfin, on considère l'avenir de la sociologie familiale au Canada.The sociological study of families began over 100 years ago in Quebec, and during the late 1960s courses in family sociology spread rapidly throughout Anglo‐Canadian universities. In this paper the field of family sociology is examined as it developed in the context of the Canadian academy and sociology between 1964 and 1989, and explanations are offered for the rise and fall of interest in the study of family by Canadian sociologists over the years since the late 19th century. The aim is to complement the history of Canadian sociology that is being developed by chroniclers who so far have seldom mentioned the sub‐field. Finally, the future of family sociology in Canada is considered.

When the educated natives of the capital city of Ecuador are questioned about social class and the power structure of their country, the answer comes unhesitatingly and with little variation. Everyone, and of course the educated are as yet few in number, knows who is who and what is what. The sampler of random opinion concludes that the real power is no longer in Quito but in the port of Guayaquil. This has been documented by Díaz, who claims that the traditional aristocracy today owns only about 50 percent of sierran acreage, most of it impoverished and ruined, and that this class is declining steadily with the growth of various coastal "bourgeoisie" classes which stem from the commercial and banking interests of the coast. Politically, too, according to Lang, the coastal influence is undermining that of the sierra, the deposition of the military junta in 1966 being attributable to pressures from the Guayaquil commercial oligarchy.

Emphasis today is on the political and economic factors in social change in undeveloped countries. This approach, combined with the wholehearted acceptance of the role of the middle class as a psychological leavening agent in such countries, tends to obscure the presence of other factors. Especially are there other categories of human beings who are responding to the forces put into play by world changes and by the increasing pressures exerted upon the social systems of which they are a part. Recently, some of these groups have been given more notice, such as students, intellectuals, labor union members, etc. Another such important category is the servant class which for the most part has been ignored and yet which appears significant, even though not as a political group, in terms of both the effects it has on changes being attempted in social organizations and on the personality development of nationals in such countries.