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The Central Compilation and Translation Bureau (CCTB), a key research organ of the Chinese Communist Party, has received little attention from scholars inside or outside of China. Originally an authoritative translation house for classical Marxist works, in recent years CCTB has gained more prominence as a policy think tank. Among its leaders are well-known advocates for political reforms and democracy. This article examines the institutional evolution of CCTB. It will discuss what factors are involved in how CCTB has evolved, including the role of its leadership and the changing political context in China; and it will examine how CCTB reconciles its seemingly contradictory roles of being a Marxist translation house and a pro-reform think tank. (J Contemp China/GIGA)

This article reviews a book series on Chinese-style democracy that was published in China in 2010 and represents mainstream Chinese perspectives and discourse on Chinese-style democracy. It begins with a discussion of whether a viable alternative to the liberal democratic model exists, and whether we should seriously consider Chinese-style democracy as one such alternative. The article discusses each of the volumes in this series, evaluates the arguments contained within them, and then reviews another two books in English that critique Chinese-style democracy. Finally, it concludes by arguing that we should take Chinese discourse about Chinese-style democracy seriously, not because we have to agree that it presents a viable alternative, but because it provides a realistic strategy for political progress within China's political system. (China/GIGA)

The residents' committee is the lowest level of the administrative hierarchy in China's cities, but it is also an important part of the political system. Under the rubric of community construction and grassroots democracy, residents' committees are undergoing certain democratic reforms such as improved procedures for elections and a more open and participatory governance process. At the same time, they are also important resources for the regime in terms of consolidating support and control, especially where maintenance of stability and mass mobilization are concerned. This paper analyzes the multifaceted nature of the residents' committee and its importance in China's political system. (Issues Stud/GIGA)

This paper analyzes the rational and strategic nature of several ethnic and civic nationalist discourses in Taiwan from 1945 to the 1990s, focusing particularly on the 'New Taiwanese' and 'Taiwanese Nation' discourses in the 1990s. These two discourses employ different strategies, one to be strategically ambiguous and the other more sharply differentiating the ethnic/national boundary in the construction of a Taiwanese national identity. This paper also argues that the political structural conditions essentially condition the formation and transformation of such discourses. Based on the research, it is proposed that nationalist discourses be analyzed from a combined rational and structural perspective. (Ethnopolitics)

This article reviews the origins, development and current trends of what is known as 'party literature work' and the principal organisation that carries out this work—the Central Party Literature Office (CPLO). Party literature work plays a crucial role for each generation of Chinese communist leadership to assert its ideological 'line' and build its canon. It is an integral part of the ideological apparatus of the Communist Party of China. Under Xi Jinping, CPLO was merged into a new organisation, but party literature work remains and continues to play a key role, supporting his ideological line.

The past explanations of Malaysia's policy responses to China's assertiveness in the South China Sea centered on systemic, economic, and ideational factors. I adopt a different approach by looking into the decision‐making process of Malaysia's China policy during Najib Razak's administration (2009–2018). I explain that the China policy decision‐making process under Najib was divided into two channels, one focusing on nonsecurity matters and the other on security matters, with the prime minister seated at the top of the two channels, while there were very little interactions between the two channels. These characteristics could partially explain the nature and outcome of Malaysia's South China Sea policy posture.

The foreign policy of Taiwanese President Tsai Ing-wen, who was elected in 2016, will be closely watched by Beijing and countries in Southeast Asia. Before her inauguration, Tsai stated that her administration would pursue a so-called "New Go South Policy" (xin nanxiang zhengce), i.e. a foreign policy focused on building up ties with countries in Southeast Asia as well as in South Asia. A similar policy was initiated by two former presidents of Taiwan, Lee Teng-hui and Chen Shui-bian. This article provides a framework to analyze the determinants, objectives, policy dimensions and scope of President Tsai's New Go South Policy. It examines and compares the Go South Policies of previous administrations, together with former President Ma Ying-jeou's policy towards Southeast Asia. Based on these discussions, a prospective policy analysis of President Tsai's Go South Policy is provided. It is argued that Tsai's Go South Policy will help enhance Taiwan's soft power, increase the island's presence in Southeast Asia but will not be used to counterbalance China-Taiwan economic integration. (Contemp Southeast Asia/GIGA)