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It is contended that, in the post-Cold War period, wars are disproportionately civil vs interstate in nature, last longer & are much more destructive than in the past, & invariably involve the US & an asymmetric use of force. The majority of civil wars take place in poor Third World countries (& leave them even more impoverished), but cannot be explained solely (or even primarily) in terms of ethnic conflicts. Statistical data on war in OECD vs non-OECD countries are used to map the geographic distribution of armed conflicts since 1946 & to correlate it with UN data on human development. Evidence is presented to demonstrate the unilateralist policy of the US to create a hegemonic new world order of its own design & its use of enormous military expenditures to accomplish this; the notion of "risk-transfer war" is explicated. Figures, References. K. Hyatt Stewart

For more than half a century, social scientists have probed the aggregate correlates of the vote for the Nazi party (NSDAP) in Weimar Germany. Since individual-level data are not available for this time period, aggregate census data for small geographic units have been heavily used to infer the support of the Nazi party by various compositional groups. Many of these studies hint at a complex geographic patterning. Recent developments in geographic methodologies, based on Geographic Information Science (GIS) and spatial statistics, allow a deeper probing of these regional and local contextual elements. In this paper, a suite of geographic methods—global and local measures of spatial autocorrelation, variography, distance-based correlation, directional spatial correlograms, vector mapping, and barrier definition (wombling)—are used in an exploratory spatial data analysis of the NSDAP vote. The support for the NSDAP by Protestant voters (estimated using King's ecological inference procedure) is the key correlate examined. The results from the various methods are consistent in showing a voting surface of great complexity, with many local clusters that differ from the regional trend. The Weimar German electoral map does not show much evidence of a nationalized electorate, but is better characterized as a mosaic of support for "milieu parties," mixed across class and other social lines, and defined by a strong attachment to local traditions, beliefs, and practices.