Search results

The subjective aspects of class, such as class identity, class awareness, or Bourdieu's "sense of one's place", compound the whole cluster of modern class studies. A sufficient amount of empirical data on subjective class issues has allowed Ukrainian scholars to define major class categories that are subjectively salient for Ukrainians, as well as to follow its dynamics throughout the period of Independence. This paper continues the tradition of such studies while using the data from the latest International Social Survey Programme 2019 and previous research. It depicts the current state of subjective stratification as it is viewed and constructed by Ukrainians. We use two methodological approaches here to define and measure classes with which Ukrainians identify themselves: one implies a single-answer multiple-choice survey question and the other is based on an open-ended question. That allows us to compare and verify the results received from the two approaches. Then, we analyze and describe the connection between the dynamics of class self-identification and bigscale changes of the Ukrainian transformation period. The working class and the middle class continue to dominate the landscape of the subjective class structure in Ukraine. These two class identities are the most popular ones whether being chosen by respondents in a multiple-choice question or being mentioned in an open-ended question. However, the dynamics of the two classes differ. While the public request for the middle class increases steadily, the popularity of the working class declines. We suggest addressing these trends, taking into account the conditions of time and place, both from local and global perspectives, and factoring in economic, social, and discursive changes of the period researched.

Gender equality in Ukrainian society in general and in the political sphere in particular is considered from the point of view of international comparative data and international obligations of Ukraine. Ukraine, with 12 % of women in the Verkhovna Rada of the 8th convocation, ranked 156th in the world (among 190 countries listed in the international Inter-Parliamentary Union database on April 1, 2019). The Ukrainian legislation has declared the idea of equal rights and opportunities for women and men in general and in the political sphere in particular. At the same time, the declarative nature of gender equality is stated. The times of Ukraine's independence regarding the involvement of women in big politics are called "slow emancipation". Women face the triple load problem, because in addition to basic employment in paid work, they combine the role of mothers, wives or grandmothers with active public activities in the public sphere. Despite these obstacles, women are actively trying to engage in Ukrainian politics, as evidenced in particular by the results of 2019 parliamentary elections. The article analyzes the attitude of Ukrainians to the number of women among deputies in the Verkhovna Rada, taking into account gender, age, place of residence, and the education level of respondents. The public opinion on the introduction of gender quotas in Ukraine has been clarified. The problems of state and party support of this component of gender policy are revealed. Gender quotas are described as a mechanism for increasing the number of women in politics. At the policy level of political parties, gender quotas in Ukraine are not popular measures aimed at overcoming gender inequality. After about ten unsuccessful attempts to introduce gender quotas in Ukraine, the legislative quota of 30 % was finally adopted in 2013, which did not produce the expected results in the 2014 elections. Based on sociological data of the Kyiv International Institute of Sociology (KIIS), the dynamics of the attitude of the adult population of Ukraine towards the use of gender quotas by political parties during 2005–2018 is studied. ; Гендерну рівність в українському суспільстві загалом і політичній сфері зокрема розглянуто в контексті міжнародних порівняльних даних і міжнародних зобов'язань України. У статті проаналізовано ставлення українців до кількості жінок серед депутатів Верховної Ради, беручи до уваги стать, вік, місце проживання, рівень освіти респондентів. Гендерні квоти охарактеризовано як механізм збільшення кількості жінок у політиці. З'ясовано громадську думку щодо запровадження гендерних квот в Україні; виявлено проблематику державної і партійної підтримки цієї складової гендерної політики. На основі соціологічних даних Київського міжнародного інституту соціології (КМІС) вивчено динаміку ставлення дорослого населення України до застосування гендерних квот у списках політичних партій протягом 2005–2018 рр.

Gender equality in Ukrainian society in general and in the political sphere in particular is considered from the point of view of international comparative data and international obligations of Ukraine. Ukraine, with 12 % of women in the Verkhovna Rada of the 8th convocation, ranked 156th in the world (among 190 countries listed in the international Inter-Parliamentary Union database on April 1, 2019). The Ukrainian legislation has declared the idea of equal rights and opportunities for women and men in general and in the political sphere in particular. At the same time, the declarative nature of gender equality is stated. The times of Ukraine's independence regarding the involvement of women in big politics are called "slow emancipation". Women face the triple load problem, because in addition to basic employment in paid work, they combine the role of mothers, wives or grandmothers with active public activities in the public sphere. Despite these obstacles, women are actively trying to engage in Ukrainian politics, as evidenced in particular by the results of 2019 parliamentary elections. The article analyzes the attitude of Ukrainians to the number of women among deputies in the Verkhovna Rada, taking into account gender, age, place of residence, and the education level of respondents. The public opinion on the introduction of gender quotas in Ukraine has been clarified. The problems of state and party support of this component of gender policy are revealed. Gender quotas are described as a mechanism for increasing the number of women in politics. At the policy level of political parties, gender quotas in Ukraine are not popular measures aimed at overcoming gender inequality. After about ten unsuccessful attempts to introduce gender quotas in Ukraine, the legislative quota of 30 % was finally adopted in 2013, which did not produce the expected results in the 2014 elections. Based on sociological data of the Kyiv International Institute of Sociology (KIIS), the dynamics of the attitude of the adult population of Ukraine towards the use of gender quotas by political parties during 2005–2018 is studied. ; Гендерну рівність в українському суспільстві загалом і політичній сфері зокрема розглянуто в контексті міжнародних порівняльних даних і міжнародних зобов'язань України. У статті проаналізовано ставлення українців до кількості жінок серед депутатів Верховної Ради, беручи до уваги стать, вік, місце проживання, рівень освіти респондентів. Гендерні квоти охарактеризовано як механізм збільшення кількості жінок у політиці. З'ясовано громадську думку щодо запровадження гендерних квот в Україні; виявлено проблематику державної і партійної підтримки цієї складової гендерної політики. На основі соціологічних даних Київського міжнародного інституту соціології (КМІС) вивчено динаміку ставлення дорослого населення України до застосування гендерних квот у списках політичних партій протягом 2005–2018 рр.

Gender equality in Ukrainian society in general and in the political sphere in particular is considered from the point of view of international comparative data and international obligations of Ukraine. Ukraine, with 12 % of women in the Verkhovna Rada of the 8th convocation, ranked 156th in the world (among 190 countries listed in the international Inter-Parliamentary Union database on April 1, 2019). The Ukrainian legislation has declared the idea of equal rights and opportunities for women and men in general and in the political sphere in particular. At the same time, the declarative nature of gender equality is stated. The times of Ukraine's independence regarding the involvement of women in big politics are called "slow emancipation". Women face the triple load problem, because in addition to basic employment in paid work, they combine the role of mothers, wives or grandmothers with active public activities in the public sphere. Despite these obstacles, women are actively trying to engage in Ukrainian politics, as evidenced in particular by the results of 2019 parliamentary elections. The article analyzes the attitude of Ukrainians to the number of women among deputies in the Verkhovna Rada, taking into account gender, age, place of residence, and the education level of respondents. The public opinion on the introduction of gender quotas in Ukraine has been clarified. The problems of state and party support of this component of gender policy are revealed. Gender quotas are described as a mechanism for increasing the number of women in politics. At the policy level of political parties, gender quotas in Ukraine are not popular measures aimed at overcoming gender inequality. After about ten unsuccessful attempts to introduce gender quotas in Ukraine, the legislative quota of 30 % was finally adopted in 2013, which did not produce the expected results in the 2014 elections. Based on sociological data of the Kyiv International Institute of Sociology (KIIS), the dynamics of the attitude of the adult population of Ukraine towards the use of gender quotas by political parties during 2005–2018 is studied. ; Гендерну рівність в українському суспільстві загалом і політичній сфері зокрема розглянуто в контексті міжнародних порівняльних даних і міжнародних зобов'язань України. У статті проаналізовано ставлення українців до кількості жінок серед депутатів Верховної Ради, беручи до уваги стать, вік, місце проживання, рівень освіти респондентів. Гендерні квоти охарактеризовано як механізм збільшення кількості жінок у політиці. З'ясовано громадську думку щодо запровадження гендерних квот в Україні; виявлено проблематику державної і партійної підтримки цієї складової гендерної політики. На основі соціологічних даних Київського міжнародного інституту соціології (КМІС) вивчено динаміку ставлення дорослого населення України до застосування гендерних квот у списках політичних партій протягом 2005–2018 рр.

<p class="EW-abstract"><strong>Abstract:</strong> Post-communist countries undergoing social transformations in the last twenty years needed to implement political and economic reforms. Changes also had to support the principles of equality in the access to power, specifically gender quotas in executive and legislative branches of government and within political parties. The events in Ukraine and Georgia in 2004-2005 known as the "colour revolutions" gave impulse to the promotion of equality and implementation of reforms. However, the number of women participating in national politics in both countries remains low. This paper proposes an analysis of gender equality principles during the parliamentary election campaigns in Ukraine and Georgia in 2012 from the perspective of women's participation in politics and their self-representation as politicians. This empirical study covers public attitudes towards women in politics and examines networks of female parliamentarians. The findings raise hopes for better representation of women in politics as female politicians promote them from the top down, and mass public perception of gender equality principles set the ground for bottom-up activism. <strong></strong></p><p class="EW-Keyword">Keywords: Gender Equality, Women Politicians, Public Attitudes, Social Network Analysis (SNA)</p>

Data of 18 surveys based on the random samples representative for adult population of Ukraine (over 18 years old) being conducted by Kiev International Institute of Sociology from 1991 to 2003 by the face-to-face interview method are analyzed. The dynamics of the follow ing five indicators of social exclusion is considered: a) belonging to a household having the income per capita less than half the median income; b) belonging to a household lacking for money to purchase daily food; c) unemployment over a long period of time (one year or more); d) lack of education; more precisely, increase in the number of adults from 18 to 30 years of age who have no completed secondary education; e) no help from associates when an individual seeks it.