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The objective of this research is to find if the success of Podemos in the 2014 European Parliament Elections and its activity on Twitter agrees with the theoretical perspectives that Dahlgren (2011) and De Ugarte (2007) developed or if there is a new civic participation paradigm that determinates the successful of the current political communication strategies. In order to verify this purpose, this study not only has applied Dahlgren (2011) and De Ugarte (2007) proposals, but also it has developed a sampling tweets methodology that permits to collect and analyze information from Podemos' tweets from the 25th, March 2015 to the 24th, May 2014. The main conclusion of this research is that there is not a real 'new civic participation model', but there are emerging some social and collective trends that De Ugarte and Dahlgren did not consider in their approaches, but that offer a new context for the development of a new concept of "politics". ; Ciencias de la Comunicación

Hate speech has been seen as a problem within democratic societies that has been exacerbated by social media. While platforms claim to moderate content, this proves impossible. Studying popular platforms in the UK and Spain and examining content within community pages dedicated to right-wing parties, we use framing analysis to identify the predominant frames in user comments that contained hate speech against migrants. Our research demonstrates a frequent use of arguments that encourage xenophobic and discriminatory attitudes to flourish. Specifically, we find that immigrants are commonly framed as potential criminals, people who steal resources and erode norms of the dominant culture and traditions. The fact that these frames are commonly used is worrying and indicates xenophobic attitudes exist within both societies under study. However, it is difficult to imagine regulatory systems that would prevent these attitudes from being expressed. Rather, we argue that it is more important to focus on correcting the conditions that cause such attitudes to take hold within a society.

Los estudios actuales sobre los efectos de la desinformación se han centrado especialmente en la política, cuando las noticias falsas sobre salud son potencialmente más perjudiciales para el bienestar del consumidor que los bulos políticos. El ejemplo más evidente de ello es la actual situación de crisis generada por la pandemia del coronavirus. La Organización Mundial de la Salud alertó, en febrero de 2020, que existía otra pandemia asociada al coronavirus: la infodemia, es decir, la información falsa que circula sobre temas de salud y que tiene consecuencias directas en el bienestar de los ciudadanos. Para profundizar en el fenómeno de la infodemia originada por el coronavirus, el objetivo de esta investigación, de proyección internacional, es identificar los encuadres (media frames) que predominan en los bulos relacionados con la covid-19 (N = 708) detectados en las plataformas de verificación Maldita.es y Colombiacheck. Desde una perspectiva inductiva –metodología cualitativa–, se infirieron cinco encuadres para analizar este tipo de infodemia: "impacto", "polarización", "superremedios", "causas" y "ciberanzuelo" (clickbait). Los resultados revelaron que el encuadre dominante es el "impacto", que hace referencia a aquellos bulos que generan en la audiencia conductas relacionadas con el miedo y el desconcierto. En cierto sentido, estos resultados guardan su lógica, porque, teniendo en cuenta las características intrínsecas de los bulos que incluyen el encuadre "impacto", esa desinformación induce en el usuario la necesidad urgente de alarmar o alertar a otros individuos.

Current studies on the effects of disinformation have mainly focused on politics, whereas fake health news are potentially more harmful to consumer welfare than political hoaxes. The most representative example of this approach is the current crisis caused by the coronavirus pandemic. The World Health Organization alerted, in February 2020, of another coronavirus-associated pandemic: the infodemic, which refers to the spread of false information on health with direct consequences for people's well-being. To study this phenomenon further, this research, which has a clear international projection, aims to identify the media frames that predominate in COVID-19-related hoaxes in Spain (N = 708), as detected by the Maldita.es and Colombiacheck verification platforms. From an inductive perspective—qualitative methodology—five frames were inferred to analyze this infodemic: "impact," "polarization," "super-remedies," "causes," and "clickbait." The results show that "impact" is the dominant frame and refers to hoaxes that inspire fear and confusion in the audience. These results are somehow logical; considering the intrinsic characteristics of hoaxes that include the "impact" frame, disinformation induces the user's urgent need to alarm or alert other individuals. ; Los estudios actuales sobre los efectos de la desinformación se han centrado especialmente en la política, cuando las noticias falsas sobre salud son potencialmente más perjudiciales para el bienestar del consumidor que los bulos políticos. El ejemplo más evidente de ello es la actual situación de crisis generada por la pandemia del coronavirus. La Organización Mundial de la Salud alertó, en febrero de 2020, que existía otra pandemia asociada al coronavirus: la infodemia, es decir, la información falsa que circula sobre temas de salud y que tiene consecuencias directas en el bienestar de los ciudadanos. Para profundizar en el fenómeno de la infodemia originada por el coronavirus, el objetivo de esta investigación, de proyección internacional, es identificar los encuadres (media frames) que predominan en los bulos relacionados con la covid-19 (N = 708) detectados en las plataformas de verificación Maldita.es y Colombiacheck. Desde una perspectiva inductiva –metodología cualitativa–, se infirieron cinco encuadres para analizar este tipo de infodemia: "impacto", "polarización", "superremedios", "causas" y "ciberanzuelo" (clickbait). Los resultados revelaron que el encuadre dominante es el "impacto", que hace referencia a aquellos bulos que generan en la audiencia conductas relacionadas con el miedo y el desconcierto. En cierto sentido, estos resultados guardan su lógica, porque, teniendo en cuenta las características intrínsecas de los bulos que incluyen el encuadre "impacto", esa desinformación induce en el usuario la necesidad urgente de alarmar o alertar a otros individuos. ; Os estudos atuais sobre os efeitos da desinformação vêm se centralizando na política, quando as fake news sobre saúde são potencialmente mais prejudiciais para o bem-estar do consumidor do que o hoax político. O exemplo mais evidente disso é a atual situação de crise gerada pela pandemia ocasionada pela covid-19. A Organização Mundial da Saúde alertou, em fevereiro de 2020, que existia outra pandemia associada ao novo coronavírus: a infodemia, isto é, a informação falsa que circula sobre temas de saúde e que tem consequências diretas no bem-estar da população. Para aprofundar no fenômeno da infodemia originada pelo novo coronavírus, o objetivo desta pesquisa, de projeção internacional, é identificar os enquadramentos midiáticos (media frames) que predominam nas fake news relacionadas com a covid-19 (N = 708) detectados nas plataformas de verificação Maldita.es e Colombiacheck. A partir de uma perspectiva indutiva — metodologia qualitativa —, foram inferidos cinco enquadramentos para analisar esse tipo de infodemia: "impacto", "polarização", "super-remédios", "causas" e "caça-clique" (clickbait). Os resultados revelaram que o enquadramento dominante é o "impacto", que se refere àquelas fake news que geram, na audiência, comportamentos relacionados com o medo e a confusão. Em certo sentido, esses resultados guardam sua lógica porque, considerando as características intrínsecas das fake news que incluem o enquadramento "impacto", essa desinformação induz, no usuário, a necessidade urgente de alarmar ou alertar outros indivíduos.

Esta comunicación defiende que el maridaje entre los i-docs y la política supone una oportunidad para la creación y reformulación de nuevas expresiones de participación ciudadana. Estos arquetipos facilitan que emisores y receptores puedan consumir, interaccionar y transformar el relato político, así como proponer modelos políticos más abiertos, horizontales y participativos. El objetivo principal se centra en mostrar los diferentes niveles de participación ciudadana que ofrecen los i-docs. Para ello se han analizado un conjunto de documentales aplicando la metodología de análisis propuesta por Gaudenzi, Gifreu y Nash ; The aim of this paper is to show how the marriage between i-docs and politics means an opportunity for the creation and reformulation of new civic participation expressions. These archetypes motivate that speakers and receivers could consume, interact and transform the politi-cal speech and to propose -as well- a more open, participative and horizontal political models. The goal of this study is to identify the different degrees of civic participation that i-docs provide. Thus, this research has analyzed a group of documentaries using the methodology of Gaudenzi, Gifreu y Nash

This research introduces the marriage between interactive documentaries (i-docs) and politics as an opportunity to motivate new civic participation and expression in the political sphere. The main objective of this study is to identify the different degrees of civic participation that i-docs permit and to setup a classification according to these levels of engagement. In order to achieve the main objective, this research has analyzed a group of documentaries using a mixture of Gaudenzi, Gifreu-Castells, and Nash methodology. The results show that it is possible to find a parallel between the closed mode and the Orwellian model; the semi-closed mode and the Tokenism model; the semi-opened mode and the playful model; and between the opened mode and the Athenian model. However, only the opened mode, used in the Global lives documentary , offers a real experience that symbolizes the purest representation of an open government system. ; Ciencias de la Comunicación

This research introduces the marriage between interactive documentaries (i-docs) and politics as an opportunity to motivate new civic participation and expression in the political sphere. The main objective of this study is to identify the different degrees of civic participation that i-docs permit and to setup a classification according to these levels of engagement. In order to achieve the main objective, this research has analyzed a group of documentaries using a mixture of Gaudenzi, Gifreu-Castells, and Nash methodology. The results show that it is possible to find a parallel between the closed mode and the Orwellian model; the semi-closed mode and the Tokenism model; the semi-opened mode and the playful model; and between the opened mode and the Athenian model. However, only the opened mode, used in the Global lives documentary, offers a real experience that symbolizes the purest representation of an open government system.

This research introduces the marriage between interactive documentaries (i-docs) and politics as an opportunity to motivate new civic participation and expression in the political sphere. The main objective of this study is to identify the different degrees of civic participation that i-docs permit and to setup a classification according to these levels of engagement. In order to achieve the main objective, this research has analyzed a group of documentaries using a mixture of Gaudenzi, Gifreu-Castells, and Nash methodology. The results show that it is possible to find a parallel between the closed mode and the Orwellian model; the semi-closed mode and the Tokenism model; the semi-opened mode and the playful model; and between the opened mode and the Athenian model. However, only the opened mode, used in the Global lives documentary, offers a real experience that symbolizes the purest representation of an open government system ; Esta investigación presenta el maridaje entre i-docs y la política como una oportunidad para motivar la participación ciudadana en la esfera política. El principal objetivo de este estudio es identificar los grados de participación ciudadana que permiten los i-docs y establecer una clasificación según esos niveles de implicación cívica. Para ello, esta investigación ha analizado un conjunto de documentales utilizando la metodología propuesta por Gaudenzi, Gifreu-Castells y Nash. Los resultados muestran que existe un paralelismo entre el modelo cerrado y el paradigma orwelliano; el modelo semi-cerrado y el paradigma de la cortina de humo o Tokenism; el modelo semi-abierto y el paradigma solaz y entre el modelo abierto y el paradigma ateniense. Sin embargo, sólo el modelo abierto, como ocurre en el documental Global lives, ofrece una experiencia real que simboliza la más pura representación de la filosofía del gobierno abierto u open government.

"The book brings together an international team of experts, enabling a broad, multidisciplinary approach that examines hate speech, dislike, polarization, and enclave deliberation as cross axes that influence offline and digital conversations. The diverse case studies herein offer insights into international news media, television drama and social media in a range of contexts, suggesting an academic frame of reference for examining this emerging phenomenon within the field of communication studies. Offering thoughtful and much-needed analysis, this collection will be of great interest to scholars and students working in communication studies, media studies, journalism, sociology, political science, political communication, and cultural industries"--

This timely volume offers a comprehensive and rigorous overview of the role of communication in the construction of hate speech and polarization in the online and offline arena. Delving into the meanings, implications, contexts and effects of extreme speech and gated communities in the media landscape, the chapters analyse misleading metaphors and rhetoric via focused case studies to understand how we can overcome the risks and threats stemming from the past decade's defining communicative phenomena. The book brings together an international team of experts, enabling a broad, multidisciplinary approach that examines hate speech, dislike, polarization and enclave deliberation as cross axes that influence offline and digital conversations. The diverse case studies herein offer insights into international news media, television drama and social media in a range of contexts, suggesting an academic frame of reference for examining this emerging phenomenon within the field of communication studies. Offering thoughtful and much-needed analysis, this collection will be of great interest to scholars and students working in communication studies, media studies, journalism, sociology, political science, political communication and cultural industries.

Cubierta -- Introducción -- Abreviaturas -- I. Fundamentos sociológicos -- Tema 1. Economía social: concepto, funciones y entidades -- 1. Objetivos de conocimiento y adquisición de competencias específicas -- 1.1. Objetivos de conocimiento -- 1.2. Adquisición de competencias específicas -- 2. Contenido teórico -- 2.1. Concepto -- 2.1.1. El concepto de economía social -- 2.1.2. Evolución histórica -- 2.1.3. Periodos de desarrollo de la economía social -- 2.2. Características y funciones de la economía social -- 2.2.1. Características de la economía social -- 2.2.2. Funciones de la economía social -- 2.3. Ámbito y entidades de la economía social -- 2.3.1. Ámbito de la economía social -- 2.3.2. Entidades de la economía social -- 3. Contenido práctico -- 3.1. Lecturas para la reflexión -- 3.2. Glosario -- 3.3. Actividades de aprendizaje -- 3.4. Autoevaluación -- 3.5. Enlaces web de interés -- 3.6. Soluciones a la autoevaluación -- 4. Bibliografía -- Tema 2. Las organizaciones no gubernamentales -- 1. Objetivos de conocimiento y adquisición de competencias específicas -- 1.1. Objetivos de conocimiento -- 1.2. Adquisición de competencias específicas -- 2. Contenido teórico -- 2.1. El subdesarrollo, campo de acción de las ONG -- 2.2. Necesidades y deseos sociales: análisis previo de las ONG -- 2.3. Origen y desarrollo de las ONG -- 2.3.1. Las ONGD -- 2.3.2. Tipología y fines de las ONGD -- 2.3.3. Estructura organizativa -- 2.4. La solidaridad -- 2.5. Las ONGD españolas -- 3. Contenido práctico -- 3.1. Lecturas para la reflexión -- 3.2. Glosario -- 3.3. Actividades de aprendizaje -- 3.4. Autoevaluación -- 3.5. Enlaces web de interés -- 3.6. Soluciones a la autoevaluación -- 4. Bibliografía -- Tema 3. Economía social y cooperativismo -- 1. Objetivos de conocimiento y adquisición de competencias específicas -- 1.1. Objetivos de conocimiento

Disinformation threatens the virtue of knowledge. The notion of truth becomes corrupted when citizens believe and give credibility to false, inaccurate, or misleading messages. This situation is particularly relevant in the digital age, where users of media platforms are exposed to different sorts of persuasive statements with uncertain origins and a lack of authenticity. How does academia understand the disinformation problem, and are we equipped to offer solutions? In response to this question, our study provides an overview of the general definitions, trends, patterns, and developments that represent the research on disinformation and misinformation. We conducted a systematic review of N = 756 publications covering eight years, 2014-2022. This period captures phenomena such as Trump's emergence as a candidate for the US presidency, his term in office, as well as the leadership of figures such as Erdogan in Turkey, Bolsonaro in Brazil, Modi in India, and various similar populist and nationalist leaders across a range of democratic and semi-democratic societies. This period is also one that witnessed the first global pandemic, when misinformation and disinformation not only threatened societal cohesion but the lives of people. This systematic review explores the critical terminology used, the areas of social life where disinformation is identified as problematic, the sources identified as creating or circulating this material, as well as the channels studied, the targets, and the persuasiveness of the discourse. What this article offers, then, is an overview of what we know about disinformation and what gaps in research should be pursued. We conclude that given the problems that misinformation and disinformation are seen to cause for democratic societies, we need to assess the contribution of social science in providing a foundation for scientific knowledge.

Las páginas web de los partidos políticos se convierten en una herramienta especialmente activa en los comicios electorales. El objetivo principal de este trabajo es evaluar la transparencia de las páginas web de las seis principales formaciones andaluzas –PSOE, Partido Popular, Ciudadanos, Adelante Andalucía, VOX y Unidas Podemos– en la precampaña electoral de 2022. La metodología de esta investigación se dividió en dos fases: un análisis descriptivo de las páginas web, con SimilarWeb, y un análisis de contenido para evaluar el índice de transparencia. Los resultados obtenidos revelan que no existe relación entre la transparencia web de los partidos políticos andaluces y el voto. Los partidos de izquierdas son los más transparentes en sus portales web; pero en las elecciones de 2022 y de 2018, disminuyeron su representación en el Parlamento Andaluz. Además, resulta paradójico que ningún partido tenga adaptada su página web a personas con discapacidad, a pesar de que la inclusión social en el marco de la Agenda 2030– es una de sus promesas electorales.