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Several international stakeholders made their voice heard in the debate on the migration and refugee crises in Europe that peaked in 2014-2015. Frequently their arguments would reduce the challenge of migration to moral and legal obligation of the host countries. In contrast, the OECD, drawing on its vast advisory experience, global outlook and socio-economic profile, offered a more pragmatic policy-oriented approach to both crises and their corollaries. Specifically, the OECD pointed to the demographic and economic opportunities arising from the influx of the large number of migrants to Europe. This notwithstanding, even if the stakes are high, it remains an open-ended question if the OECD member-states will be able to turn these opportunities into sustainable socio-economic benefits. ; Marta Pachocka

The global financial crisis of 2008 and the accompanying economic crisis led to a greater interest of the European Union and its Member States in the condition of the European economy and public finances. Issues such as the demographic situation in the EU were of secondary nature and were invoked primarily as a context for socio-economic and financial problems. However, in recent years, due to systematic publications, both by international organizations (e.g. United Nations, Eurostat) and national institutions of long-term population projections and its revisions for countries, regions, continents and the world, the awareness of the importance of demographic issues has been increasing. The aim of the paper is to analyse and evaluate the projected demographic changes in the EU and their potential influence on the future of European integration. The underlying theoretical assumption of the paper is that demographic changes will affect EU Member States to various extents and will put pressure on the future of the integration process. This article presents the results of the preliminary analysis of the demographic situation of the EU-28 in view of the Eurostat's population projections until 2060, and formulates the most important conclusions for the functioning of the EU and its future. ; Marta Pachocka

International migration is a real challenge facing the European Union and its Member States today and in the near future. The EU has been one of the main destinations of increasing immigration on the regional and global scales since the beginning of the 21st century, while at the same time experiencing important migratory movements within its borders. Therefore, it has been looking for eff ective solutions to approach the multidimensional consequences of the growing influx of migrants into its territory. However, the events in international relations – especially in the Mediterranean Region aft er 2010 – raise more questions than provide answers. The aim of this paper is to present the recent immigration trends to the EU Member States, highlighting, in particular the importance of their consequences, as well as discuss the challenges they introduce together with possible solutions at the EU level. ; The chapter is based on M. Pachocka's research on "Comparative study of immigration policy in selected Member States of the European Union: conditions, solutions, consequences. Conclusions and recommendations for Poland" ("Polityka imigracyjna w wybranych państwach członkowskich Unii Europejskiej w ujęciu porównawczym - uwarunkowania, rozwiązania, konsekwencje. Wnioski dla Polski") conducted in 2014 (Part I, no. KES/BMN/15/14) and in 2015 (Part II, No. KES/BMN15/03/15) at the Collegium of Socio-Economics of Warsaw School of Economics in the framework of The Young Scientists' Research Grants co-financed by the Polish Ministry of Science and Higher Education. ; Marta Pachocka

Przedmiotem rozważań w artykule jest potencjał demograficzny Francji na przełomiewieków XX i XXI. Odpowiedź na pytanie badawcze o sytuację demograficzną tego państwa zawiera się w pogłębionym opisie, analizie i ocenie jego zasobów demograficznychw latach 1991–2013, głównie w odniesieniu do części metropolitarnej. Z uwagi na szerokii złożony zakres przedmiotowej problematyki, w artykule ograniczono się do analizywybranych aspektów sytuacji demograficznej Francji, uznanych za szczególnie ważnei interesujące. W konsekwencji opracowanie składa się z trzech zasadniczych części,w których kolejno omówiono: bilans ludności i zmiany w strukturze demograficznejmieszkańców państwa, ruch naturalny ludności (urodzenia i płodność oraz umieralność,z wyłączeniem kwestii małżeństw i rozwodów) oraz migracje zagraniczne, z naciskiemna imigrację do Francji.Podsumowując, sytuacja demograficzna Francji jest relatywnie korzystna w porównaniudo innych państw europejskich (m.in. rosnąca ogólna liczba ludności, drugie miejscew UE pod względem zaludnienia, dodatnie saldo naturalne i saldo migracji, zbliżaniesię do granicy prostej zastępowalności pokoleń). Proces starzenia się społeczeństwa jestgłównym wyzwaniem demograficznym, we Francji postępuje jednak relatywnie wolniejniż w innych państwach Europy. Z uwagi na swoją sytuację demograficzną Francja realnie wpływa na kształt polityki europejskiej, m.in. w zakresie migracji zagranicznych.

This paper discusses the demographic potential of France in the late 20th and early 21st century. The research question concerning its demographic situation is answered through the in-depth description, analysis and assessment of the country's demographic resources in the period between 1991 and 2013, with respect to France excluding Mayotte or to metropolitan France. Due to the extensive and complex nature of the subject matter, the aspects of the demographic situation in France analysed in this paper have been chosen based on their relevance. Therefore, the paper consists of three main parts: population statistics and fluctuations in country's demographic structure, vital statistics (natality, fertility and mortality, excluding the question of marriages and divorces), as well as international migrations with a strong focus on the immigration to France. To sum up, the demographic situation in France is relatively optimistic when compared to other European countries (as exemplified by the rising total population figure, being the second most populated state in the EU, having positive natural increase rate and migration rate, approaching the threshold of generation renewal). The ageing of the population is one of the major demographic challenges for France; yet it is progressing at a slower pace than in the rest of Europe. Given its demographic situation, France actively seeks to define Europe-wide policy, for instance with respect to regulating international migrations. ; Przedmiotem rozważań w artykule jest potencjał demograficzny Francji na przełomie wieków XX i XXI. Odpowiedź na pytanie badawcze o sytuację demograficzną tego państwa zawiera się w pogłębionym opisie, analizie i ocenie jego zasobów demograficznych w latach 1991-2013, głównie w odniesieniu do części metropolitarnej. Z uwagi na szeroki i złożony zakres przedmiotowej problematyki, w artykule ograniczono się do analizy wybranych aspektów sytuacji demograficznej Francji, uznanych za szczególnie ważne i interesujące. W konsekwencji opracowanie składa się z trzech zasadniczych części, w których kolejno omówiono: bilans ludności i zmiany w strukturze demograficznej mieszkańców państwa, ruch naturalny ludności (urodzenia i płodność oraz umieralność, z wyłączeniem kwestii małżeństw i rozwodów) oraz migracje zagraniczne, z naciskiem na imigrację do Francji. Podsumowując, sytuacja demograficzna Francji jest relatywnie korzystna w porównaniu do innych państw europejskich (m.in. rosnąca ogólna liczba ludności, drugie miejsce w UE pod względem zaludnienia, dodatnie saldo naturalne i saldo migracji, zbliżanie się do granicy prostej zastępowalności pokoleń). Proces starzenia się społeczeństwa jest głównym wyzwaniem demograficznym, we Francji postępuje jednak relatywnie wolniej niż w innych państwach Europy. Z uwagi na swoją sytuację demograficzną Francja realnie wpływa na kształt polityki europejskiej, m.in. w zakresie migracji zagranicznych.

This paper discusses the demographic potential of France in the late 20th and early 21st century. The research question concerning its demographic situation is answered through the in-depth description, analysis and assessment of the country's demographic resources in the period between 1991 and 2013, with respect to France excluding Mayotte or to metropolitan France. Due to the extensive and complex nature of the subject matter, the aspects of the demographic situation in France analysed in this paper have been chosen based on their relevance. Therefore, the paper consists of three main parts: population statistics and fluctuations in country's demographic structure, vital statistics (natality, fertility and mortality, excluding the question of marriages and divorces), as well as international migrations with a strong focus on the immigration to France. To sum up, the demographic situation in France is relatively optimistic when compared to other European countries (as exemplified by the rising total population figure, being the second most populated state in the EU, having positive natural increase rate and migration rate, approaching the threshold of generation renewal). The ageing of the population is one of the major demographic challenges for France; yet it is progressing at a slower pace than in the rest of Europe. Given its demographic situation, France actively seeks to define Europe-wide policy, for instance with respect to regulating international migrations.

During World War II and the postwar years, France's international position has been weakened. The seizure of power by Charles de Gaulle in 1958 contributed to a stabilization of the political situation in the country and to a redefinition of French foreign policy. The article analyzes the international position of France from the end of World War II until 2007, when Nicolas Sarkozy won the presidential election. Thus, the article covers the period of the existence of two French republics: the Fourth Republic in the years 1946–1958 and the Fifth Republic, which remains Hexagone's contemporary political system since 1958. The article consists of three parts. In the first part the external and internal conditions of the birth of the Fifth Republic are presented, with particular emphasis on the role of its creator – Ch. de Gaulle. The second part discusses the importance of France in Europe aft er 1945, emphasizing its contribution to the process of European integration and to the development of relations with the countries of Central and Eastern Europe, the USSR/Russian Federation and the Mediterranean countries. Then, the third part of my article stresses the position of France in the system of international relations after World War II, analyzing it on the example of Franco-American and Franco-NATO relations, the French policy towards the Arab and African countries, and finally, on the example of the Republic's multilateral diplomacy. I conclude that in the examined period 1945–2007 France is an example of the former global superpower, which builds and strengthens its international position as a regional power with global interests.

In the early twenty-first century, France has the necessary geographic, geopolitical, demographic, economic, military (nuclear), political and cultural potential to be one of the most powerful states within the international system. Its position and capabilities are, however, questioned, while stressing only its desire to be a superpower. This article analyzes the international position of France in historical perspective (from the seventeenth century to 1945), assuming that this state is an example of the evolution from a global superpower to a regional power. In the first part of the article, the theoretical framework for the further analysis has been included, the attempts to define the concepts of the great power and superpower have been taken, the classifications of great powers have been presented and the factors determining the power of states have been identified. In the second part, the author shows the evolution of a great power status of France on a few examples from its history, referring to the reign of Louis XIV, the times of Napoleon Bonaparte and the rule of Napoleon III. In the third part of the article, the international position of the Third French Republic is discussed, with particular emphasis on its foreign policy, including colonial one, since the 1870s to the German invasion in June 1940. The effects of World War II for its position in the international system are also described. The author concludes that France was a global superpower in two historical moments (the absolute monarchy of Louis XIV and the French Empire of Napoleon I), and is now a regional power with global interests.

In recent years, the issues of integration - related on the one hand to people referred to as foreigners, immigrants, newcomers, etc. - and on the other hand to host societies - have been gaining importance in the Central and Eastern European (CEE) countries, including Poland. Before the political and socio-economic transformation at the turn of the 1980s and the 1990s, it was a country relatively closed to international migration. Only in the early 1990s did it open up to migration flows. That was also the time when the state's policy in this area had been gradually emerging. The preparations for EU membership enforced the process of developing a national migration policy. Poland's accession to the EU in 2004 and to the Schengen zone in 2007 saw its full involvement in EU migration governance in terms of internal and external policies, and thus the further Europeanisation of national law, public policy, and practices in the field of migration management. Recent years have seen a change in Poland's migration status, which has now become an emigration-immigration state, and the near future may bring about its transition into a new immigration state, especially in connection with the influx of large numbers of forced migrants from Ukraine since the end of February 2022. At the time of writing, that is mid-2022, Poland does not have a formalised integration policy at the central level. National law provides integration measures only for beneficiaries of international protection (persons with refugee status and subsidiary protection), which concerns a very small group of foreigners. However, the last two decades have seen increased involvement at the local government level (especially in cities) in integration. This is a process taking place in local communities with the support of other actors such as NGOs, informal associations, or universities. One such example is Warsaw, the capital of Poland, where the largest number of migrants, both voluntary and forced, live. This paper aims to explore the selected practices undertaken by some of Warsaw's municipal institutions and offi ces, which can be treated as an important part of the local integration policy and which could be a role model for other cities less experienced in immigrant integration.

In recent years, the EU has experienced different integration 'crises' in its policy domains. Some policy fields such as the environment have been driven by an integration process of consensus among the Member States while others, such as migration and asylum policy, have not reached a high level of integration because of differences between the states. Although some scholars have attempted to identify the dynamics of integration processes in the EU through political theories such as neofunctionalism and intergovernmentalism, these theories may not be helpful to explain the lack of integration seen in the last several years in migration and asylum policy. To identify some of the dynamics of EU collective action and its influence on the European integration process (or the reverse), this paper proposes to analyse EU environmental policy and EU refugee protection policy through the lens of public goods theory. Analysis of the production process of public goods, in this case, as refugee protection and climate stability, gives interesting insight into the different levels of integration in both policy domains.

AbstractIn this paper we focus on adapting the concept of push – pull factors to forced migration by proposing a "push out – push back" approach that underlines two most crucial elements of forced migrants' experience. On the one hand, it stresses the reasons for leaving countries of origin or of temporary refuge that are not dependant on the will of people who flew those places, thus the "push out" factors. On the other hand, it represents the refusal of the countries of the Global North to accept forced migrants and their use of various practices, amounting to "push back" factors, to prevent them from entering or leaving their territory if they manage to reach it. These factors can be divided into three groups: passive, active, and symbolic.

The contribution of this paper is twofold. First, we analyse the failure of the Prisoner's Dilemma and Suasion Game in explaining refugee protection burden-sharing cooperation through a literature review of both game-theory models. Second, the paper also supports an alternative to these theoretical models: the Issue Linkage. This paper is set out in three main parts: fi rst, we provide the background to the 2015 Emergency Relocation Scheme as part of the EU's immediate response to the migration and refugee crisis; second, we review the existing Prisoner's Dilemma and Suasion Game literature on international cooperation in general, and on refugee protection in particular, followed by an Issue Linkage literature review to get some insight into overcoming collective action failure in EU asylum cooperation; third, we apply these theoretical models to explain EU refugee protection burden-sharing through an analysis of Germany's and Poland's approaches to the implementation of the 2015 Emergency Relocation Scheme.

Centre ou périphérie ? En choisissant tel ou tel positionnement de la Pologne en Europe, les gouvernements successifs déterminaient – parfois inconsciemment – la forme de la politique extérieure, et souvent celle de la politique intérieure, y compris de la politique économique. La question de la perspective, qui détermine les agissements au plan international, connaît un nouvel essor pendant les périodes de réévaluations et de changements rapides. Nous traversons justement une telle période, au niveau du continent entier et des différents États à la fois, y compris la Pologne. C'est pourquoi il est utile de se pencher sur les problèmes concernant toute l'Europe, l'UE et la Pologne à partir d'une perspective moins évidente. Le but de cet article est de familiariser les lecteurs francophones avec la position de la Pologne à l'égard de l'Union et de certains problèmes fondamentaux qui se posent à elle (entre autres choses : les crises des migrants et des réfugiés en Europe).