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The co-existence between Hungarians and Islam has been considered balanced, until the spring of 2015 when a wave of migrants appeared in Europe. "Opening to the East", the foreign policy announced by the government in 2011 heralded a new chapter of cooperation with Arabic/Muslim countries, predominantly due to economic considerations. The migrant crisis turned government communication, as well as the stance of Jobbik, the largest opposition party, upside down. This paper discusses the unique phenomenon of what role the political debate about Islam and the construction of the temporary border barrier protecting the Hungarian national borders played in the competitive communication of the national-radical, pro-Muslim opposition Jobbik party (achieving a lead in the polls) and the centre-right governing parties Fidesz-kdnp which typically emphasise their Christian character.

The fragmentation of the Montenegrin society is significant, in terms of identities, ethnic groups and political values as well. However, the subsidized nature of the alternative of joining the EU is significant and almost unified, which can not be stated in the case of the NATO membership at all. The above mentioned fragmentation goes also with strong political division but the internal conflicts of the past 20 years have not led to violent occurrences, civil war, which can be considered a remarkable phenomenon among the Western-Balkan relations. The country is characterized by organized crime, nepotism, the presence of clan-like phenomena, corruption and the underdevelopment of democratic culture. Among the tasks of Montenegro regarding its accession to the EU, besides strengthening the jurisdiction, reducing the political nature of the administration, the fight againstorganized crime and in this context the elimination of the extensive corruption are prominently included.

Abstract
Hungarian-Serbian relations have never been as cordial as they are now, and this is an opinion shared by the leadership of both countries in spite of the modern history of the two nations. In our paper, we seek explanation for this change and argue that it is a consequence of multiple factors: First, the geopolitical changes in the Western Balkans, which have resulted in a great power competition that has opened up space for small states, like Hungary, to assert their interests. Secondly, the changes in domestic politics in Hungary that have brought national interests into the foreground, resulting, among other outcomes, in more active foreign policy with regard to the Western Balkans region. In this paper, we attempt to give a different, critical view of these relations, discussing migration, economic cooperation and political maneuvers in particular.

Abstract
Buildings of the burial complex of Suleiman the Magnificent were excavated between 2015–2019 in Szigetvár. This paper investigates why, despite the traditional anti-Muslim sentiments in the local community, the FIDESZ-KDNP failed to turn the Suleiman story into local political success after the 2015 migration crisis, during a period of extensive anti-Muslim campaigning. This analyses focuses on the opportunities, challenges and concerns of the creation of a Muslim pilgrimage site and cultural tourism attraction based on the death place of the Ottoman emperor. The Muslim rule in the early modern period has left deep memorial traces on Hungary. Despite the superficial similarities, opinions about Muslims in Szigetvár are more complex than in the wider Hungarian public and are influenced by acts of reconciliation and economic considerations. Results of a deep empirical research are presented on local identity and Muslim related sentiments in this paper.