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The article considers the problem of the phenomenon of geopolitical «borderliness» as a factor in the positioning of Ukraine in international relations within the Ukrainian scientific discourse of the early XXI century. The definition of the concept of geopolitical «borderliness» has been presented. It is shown that Ukraine is an average regional power, which is characterized by a «borderliness» geopolitical position. On the modern Ukrainian territory, the Euro-Atlantic, Eurasian, Islamic massif and, accordingly, the «super-ethnic frontiers» of the Western European, Slavic and Islamic civilizations intersect. Concepts of the genesis of ideological and sociocultural differences within Ukrainian society in the regional dimension have been characterized. It is substantiated that the foreign policy orientation of Ukraine has always been a derivative of the interaction of the Euro-Atlantic, Eurasian and Black Sea (South-Eastern) paradigms, which necessitates adherence to the «orientation priority» in international political positioning. It follows from this that it is expedient for the Ukrainian state to be guided by a non-bloc strategy. According to Ukrainian researchers, the entry of Ukraine into allied relations with one of the competing poles can lead to a strategic conflict with another center of power and negative consequences for Ukrainian statehood. To prevent this from happening, Ukraine was recommended to pursue a foreign policy on the basis of a neutral status and the principles of «optimal multi-vector approach». This was confirmed by the Ukrainian sociological research. The geopolitical and socio-cultural «borderliness» determines the «split» of Ukrainian society, which is manifested in the foreign policy orientations of residents of different regions. According to Ukrainian sociologists, traditionally the majority of the population of the West of Ukraine and about half of the Center supported the European integration vector. At the same time, about half of the inhabitants of the Center and the majority of the population of the South and East of Ukraine were supporters of the development of relations with Russia and the Eurasian vector of integration. As the only option for foreign policy positioning that would unite the Ukrainian society of different regions, the achievement of national agreement through a compromise was noted, this was possible only if Ukraine pursued a policy of neutrality and «optimal multi-vector approach».

The article examines the features of the US foreign policy towards the Central Asian states in the post-bipolar period. The imperatives and constants, as well as the transformation of Washington's Central Asian policy, have been characterized. It is shown that five Central Asian states have been in the focus of American foreign policy over the past thirty years. In the process of shaping the US foreign policy in Central Asia, the presence of significant reserves of energy and mineral resources in the region was of great importance. Therefore, rivalry for Caspian energy resources and their transportation routes came to the fore. In addition to diversifying transport and logistics flows and supporting American companies, the US energy policy in Central Asia was aimed at preventing the restoration of Russia's economic and political influence, as well as countering the penetration of China, which is interested in economic cooperation with the countries of the region. During the period under review, the following transformation of mechanisms and means of Washington's policy in the Central Asian direction was observed: the policy of "exporting democracy"; attempts to "nurture" the pro-American elite; striving to divide states into separate groups with permanent "appointment" of leaders; involvement in a unified military system to combat terrorism; impact on the consciousness of the population in order to destabilize geopolitical rivals; building cooperation on a pragmatic basis due to internal difficulties and external constraints. Central Asian states sympathized with the American course because of their interest in technology and investment. At the same time, these states in every possible way distanced themselves from the impulses of "democratization" from Washington. Kazakhstan was a permanent regional ally of the United States, to which Uzbekistan was striving to join. The second echelon in relations with the American side was occupied by Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan and Turkmenistan. A feature of the positions of the Central Asian countries is the maximum benefit from cooperation with Washington while building good-neighborly relations with Russia and China, which is in dissonance with the regional imperatives of the United States. In the future, the American strategy in Central Asia will presumably proceed from the expediency of attracting regional allies and stimulating contradictions in order to contain geopolitical rivals in the region.

The phenomenon of «children's» movements has historical analogs, which traditionally were the result of thoughtful technologies of adults, which were aimed at realizing their interests and achieving specific goals. The use of geopolitical and civilizational approaches has led to the consideration of the phenomenon of «children's» eco-strikes as a political technology of the initiators of a New World Order. The genesis, essence and purpose of the «Greta Thunberg project» and mass environmental actions in the context of the formation of a New World Order and the interests of Russia have been characterized. It is shown that the initiators of this technology are the «old» globalist and neoliberal elites of Western states, part of the American establishment, international big capital and powerful corporations in the non-material digital sphere. To achieve their goals of neutralizing opponents in the economic and political spheres, they use the protest potential of the «greens», which over the past few decades have actually become part of the Western neoliberal elite. In the context of efforts to create a New World Order, these actors seek to maintain and strengthen their power, continue to exploit third world countries, suppress existing anti-system movements and weaken their main geopolitical competitors – mainly China and Russia, which are looking for safe transport routes and new sources of resources. Therefore, on the initiative of the globalist and neoliberal elites, projects are being put forward to create ecozones in resource-rich «disputed areas» and, as a result, to preserve the prospects for economic activity there. The image of «children's» eco-strikes, which is presented by the media, reproduces a new social idea and stimulates support from the electorate for the purpose of the transformation of the World Order, which is confirmed by the fact that the movement is massive in various countries of the world. Youth strikes with environmental slogans help to shift the dominant positions from the traditional industrial-resource elite to the digital elite, opening up new financial and economic opportunities and prospects for global leadership for the latter. The intensification of this movement coincided in time with the USA claims to the Northern Sea Route and the development of Arctic resources, which directly affects the interests of Russia.