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This paper – which is based on the Thomas Franck Lecture held by the author at Humboldt University Berlin on 13 May 2019 – argues that the most likely development of international to be expected will be the coexistence of two "legal worlds". On the one hand, an inter-State law brutally regulating political relations between human groups whitewashed by nationalism; on the other hand, a transnational or "a-national" law regulating economic relations between private as well as public interests. Further, the paper argues that there are two obvious victims – of very different nature – of this foreseeable evolution: the human being on the one hand, the certainty and effectiveness of the rule of law itself on the other hand.

This paper – which is based on the Thomas Franck Lecture held by the author at Humboldt University Berlin on 13 May 2019 – argues that the most likely development of international to be expected will be the coexistence of two "legal worlds". On the one hand, an inter-State law brutally regulating political relations between human groups whitewashed by nationalism; on the other hand, a transnational or "a-national" law regulating economic relations between private as well as public interests. Further, the paper argues that there are two obvious victims – of very different nature – of this foreseeable evolution: the human being on the one hand, the certainty and effectiveness of the rule of law itself on the other hand.

In their eagerness to justify the "United States perspective" on the Kampala definition of the crime of aggression and on the International Criminal Court (ICC), Koh and Buchwald tend to invent imaginary enemies and to ascribe to them views that they do not actually hold. In so doing, the authors weaken a thesis that, in some respects, is not devoid of interest. From at least two points of view, however, their article is paradoxical, if not pathetic—exactly like the U.S. position.

Résumé Véritable centre de gravité des Nations unies jusqu'au début des années quatre-vingt, l'Assemblée générale a progressivement sombré, avec la fin de la Guerre froide et la globalisation libérale, dans une logorrhée morose sans prise sur le réel. Elle n'est cependant pas dépourvue d'atouts dans le cadre du « bicéphalisme singulier » institué par les rédacteurs de la Charte et elle a forgé les instruments et les concepts lui permettant de pallier les carences du Conseil de sécurité. À cette fin, elle aurait pu avoir recours, lors des affaires du Kosovo et d'Iraq, à la « résolution Dean Acheson » de 1950, mais la volonté politique a manqué.