Search results

Why are comparisons interesting, or what are comparisons all about? In this article, the comparative ambition in the social constructivist tradition is scrutinized, and the other articles of the issue are used as examples of what is seen as principle problems of comparative studies. The first part of the article deals with the need of reflexivity in order for the researcher to avoid implicit notions of «good gender equality» or «real feminism». In the second part, the problems of comparative studies are more specifically addressed, by both discussing the traditional legacy of comparative politics and bringing forward possible alternatives for non-positivistic comparative analyses. The article ends by asking for a reflexive intersectional comparative approach. ; Why are comparisons interesting, or what are comparisons all about? In this article, the comparative ambition in the social constructivist tradition is scrutinized, and the other articles of the issue are used as examples of what is seen as principle problems of comparative studies. The first part of the article deals with the need of reflexivity in order for the researcher to avoid implicit notions of «good gender equality» or «real feminism». In the second part, the problems of comparative studies are more specifically addressed, by both discussing the traditional legacy of comparative politics and bringing forward possible alternatives for non-positivistic comparative analyses. The article ends by asking for a reflexive intersectional comparative approach.

As an organisational form, the project poses a challenge today for the possibility of articulating feminist politics, understood as feminist visions and ambitions. With a focus on women's organisations working in international development aid, we examine how the project format and its managerial attributes shape the possibility of articulating feminist politics. Mobilising assemblage thinking on a material consisting mainly of interviews with project workers in women's organisations, we show that these organisations engage in assembly work to fit their activism with the project format, such as translating feminist ambitions into bureaucratic procedures and notions of temporality, activating repertoires of expertise, and adopting marketised approaches to development. We conclude that the project format depoliticises feminist politics, although it does not make the articulation of feminist ambitions impossible. Assemblage thinking is suggested as a suitable framework for feminist research when investigating how contemporary governing arrangements influence the articulation of feminist politics.

As an organisational form, the project poses a challenge today for the possibility of articulating feminist politics, understood as feminist visions and ambitions. With a focus on women's organisations working in international development aid, we examine how the project format and its managerial attributes shape the possibility of articulating feminist politics. Mobilising assemblage thinking on a material consisting mainly of interviews with project workers in women's organisations, we show that these organisations engage in assembly work to fit their activism with the project format, such as translating feminist ambitions into bureaucratic procedures and notions of temporality, activating repertoires of expertise, and adopting marketised approaches to development. We conclude that the project format depoliticises feminist politics, although it does not make the articulation of feminist ambitions impossible. Assemblage thinking is suggested as a suitable framework for feminist research when investigating how contemporary governing arrangements influence the articulation of feminist politics.

In recent years, bureaucratic and market-based tools such as certifications have become common tools for addressing complex, gendered and power-related issues such as discrimination, gender equality and, in this case, safety. Drawing on a discursive understanding of policy and politics, this paper examines how safety in public space is being addressed and given meaning in nine Swedish cities, working with a safetycertification entitled 'the Purple Flag'. Our analysis shows that in the work with PurpleFlag, safety is represented as a technical problem, requiring a standardised method, and as a tool for growth, focusing on the commercial potential of safety for the city. These representations position the safety worker as mainly administrative and competitive, while the recipients of safety become visitors and consumers. Purple Flag also gears local safety measures towards urban business areas, rather than towards places with high levels of crime or unsafety, and primarily target those disturbing the order of the market in the city centre as problematic. Our conclusion is that the method of certification creates major difficulties for politicising safety and instead enables an "economisation of the political",producing safety for the urban market rather than for urban citizens.

Gender-equality work in Sweden is increasingly carried out by private consultancy firms. In this article, we explore the rationalities that govern Swedish market-based gender-equality policy through an analysis of the subject positions that are made available to gender-equality consultants. The article is an adapted version of our published work in Swedish. We analyse what types of agency these positions enable and preclude, as well as how they shape the meaning of gender equality and the content of gender-equality work. While market logics constrain the space for critical analysis and cause gender equality to be subordinated to other goals, consultants nevertheless find ways to resist these tendencies in pursuit of transformative change.

In recent years, bureaucratic and market-based tools such as certifications have become common tools for addressing complex, gendered and power-related issues such as discrimination, gender equality and, in this case, safety. Drawing on a discursive understanding of policy and politics, this paper examines how safety in public space is being addressed and given meaning in nine Swedish cities, working with a safetycertification entitled 'the Purple Flag'. Our analysis shows that in the work with PurpleFlag, safety is represented as a technical problem, requiring a standardised method, and as a tool for growth, focusing on the commercial potential of safety for the city. These representations position the safety worker as mainly administrative and competitive, while the recipients of safety become visitors and consumers. Purple Flag also gears local safety measures towards urban business areas, rather than towards places with high levels of crime or unsafety, and primarily target those disturbing the order of the market in the city centre as problematic. Our conclusion is that the method of certification creates major difficulties for politicising safety and instead enables an "economisation of the political",producing safety for the urban market rather than for urban citizens.

In recent years, bureaucratic and market-based tools such as certifications have become common tools for addressing complex, gendered and power-related issues such as discrimination, gender equality and, in this case, safety. Drawing on a discursive understanding of policy and politics, this paper examines how safety in public space is being addressed and given meaning in nine Swedish cities, working with a safetycertification entitled 'the Purple Flag'. Our analysis shows that in the work with PurpleFlag, safety is represented as a technical problem, requiring a standardised method, and as a tool for growth, focusing on the commercial potential of safety for the city. These representations position the safety worker as mainly administrative and competitive, while the recipients of safety become visitors and consumers. Purple Flag also gears local safety measures towards urban business areas, rather than towards places with high levels of crime or unsafety, and primarily target those disturbing the order of the market in the city centre as problematic. Our conclusion is that the method of certification creates major difficulties for politicising safety and instead enables an "economisation of the political",producing safety for the urban market rather than for urban citizens. ; Rädsla och trygghet i ord och handling ; https://www.umu.se/forskning/projekt/radsla-och-trygghet-i-ord-och-handling---att-overkomma-paradoxer-i-planering/