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In a recent collection of essays assessing the thought of William James in transatlantic perspective, Berkeley historian emeritus David Hollinger opened his contribution by recounting two memorable exchanges: The sermon at William James's funeral on 30 August 1910 was preached by the Reverend George A. Gordon, a name recognized today only by religious history specialists, but in 1910 a pulpiteer so prominent that he was sometimes described as "the Matterhorn of the Protestant Alps" . . . Gordon, a close friend of James, was the minister of Boston's Old South Congregational Church. When the great philosopher died on 26 August, his widow immediately selected Gordon to perform the service. Mrs. James made clear to Gordon why she wanted him. You are "a man of faith," which "is what [William] was." About this she was firm, apprising Gordon that she wanted at this funeral service "no hesitation or diluted utterance" in speaking about faith. Mrs. James had good reason to say these things. Her late husband had been candid about his feelings of spiritual solidarity with Gordon. "You and I seem to be working . . . towards the same end (the Kingdom of Heaven, namely)," James had written to his clergyman friend not long before, although [he claimed Gordon did] this "more openly and immediately" than [he did].

The initial speeches of MPs entering the British House of Commons from 1966 to 1970 were analyzed to ascertain the extent to which they complied with the prevailing myth of behaviour appropriate for maiden speeches. Rituals of style--hesitancy, brevity, and humility--were challenged more sharply than were those of substance--references to one's predecessor and one's constituency and being non-contentious. Despite widespread violation of the various norms, few new MPs defied the folkways across the board. (Abstract amended)

THE IMPACT OF THE ENFRANCHISEMENT OF WOMEN UNDER 30 UPON THE BRITISH PARTY SYSTEM IS ANALYZED, ESPECIALLY THE EXTENT TO WHICH THE LABOUR PARTY AT A CRUCIAL PERIOD IN ITS RISE TO MAJOR PARTY STATUS WAS ABLE TO MOBILIZE AN UNCOMMITTED MAJOR SEGMENT OF THE ELECTORATE. THE ANALYSIS SEEKS TO SUPPLY AN EXPLANATION MISSING FROM BUTLER AND STOKES' FINDING OF A SIZABLE GENDER DIFFERENCE IN CLASS CROSSOVER VOTING AMONG THE INTERWAR COHORT. BOTH SUBSTANTIVE AND SYMBOLIC MOBILIZATION EFFORTS ARE ANALYZED. ANALYSIS OF CONSTITUENCY ELECTORAL RESULTS FOR ELECTIONS FROM THE MID-1920S THROUGH THE MID-1930S FINDS THAT THE POLITICAL CRISIS OF 1931 UNDERMINED LABOUR'S EFFORTS TO MOBILIZE THE FEMALE VOTE AND APPEARS IN PARTICULAR TO HAVE DRIVEN SUBSTANTIAL NUMBERS OF WORKING CLASS WOMEN TO VOTE FOR OTHER PARTIES, THEREBY WEAKENING THEIR SUPPORT LABOR WELL INTO THE POSTWAR PERIOD. LABOUR'S FAILURE TO MOBILIZE YOUNG WOMEN MEANT THAT IT WAS ABLE TO OBTAIN MAJOR PARTY STATUS ONLY WHEN WORLD WAR II EXPERIENCES CAUSED A SUBSTANTIAL NUMBER OF MIDDLE CLASS MEN TO SWING TO THE PARTY.

Since there is little real possibility of a formal coalition between the Liberal & Labor Parties, the question of most importance at present concerns the possibility of the Liberals gaining strength on their own. As possible indexes of a Liberal revival, the showing of the party at elections, & its financial strength & membership, are unsatisfactory. More satisfactory as an index is its success in recruiting parliamentary candidates,increased from 25% to 61% by 1959. The retentive power of the Liberal Party has been poor - but it improved between 1955 & 1959, & even in 1954 57% of Liberal candidates had stood previously. IPSA.