Stepchildren of progress: the political economy of development in an Indonesian mining town
In: SUNY series in the anthropology of work
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In: SUNY series in the anthropology of work
World Affairs Online
In: Verhandelingen van het koninklijk instituut voor taal-, land- en volkenkunde volume 302
Preliminary Material /Kathryn Robinson -- Generation and Social Change: Indonesian Youth in Comparative Perspective /Ben White -- Contemporary Indonesian Youth Transitions: Trends and Inequalities /Pam Nilan , Lyn Parker , Kathryn Robinson and Linda Bennett -- Teenage Experiences of School, Work, and Life in a Javanese Village /Ben White and C. Ugik Margiyatin -- Educational Aspirations and Inter-Generational Relations in Sorowako /Kathryn Robinson -- Pouring Out One's Heart: Close Friendships among Minangkabau Young People /Lyn Parker -- Pramuka: Scouting Days of Fun /Pujo Semedi -- Dwindling Space and Expanding Worlds for Youth in Rural and Urban Yogyakarta /Patrick Guinness -- Local Modernities: Young Women Socializing Together /Pam Nilan -- Streetwise Masculinity and Other Urban Performances of Postwar Ambon: A Photo-Essay /Patricia Spyer -- Violent Activism, Islamist Ideology, and the Conquest of Public Space among Youth in Indonesia /Noorhaidi Hasan -- The Ongoing Culture Debate: Female Youth and Pergaulan (Bebas) in Yogyakarta, Indonesia /Tracy Wright Webster -- Young Sasak Mothers—"Tidak Manja Lagi": Transitioning from Single Daughter to Young Married Mother in Lombok, Eastern Indonesia /Linda Rae Bennett -- Index /Kathryn Robinson.
In: ASAA women in Asia series
Indonesia has long been struggling with ways to conceptualise the 'parts' of the nation in relation to the whole. The nationalist movement took this as a serious challenge and devised a new political vocabulary for the task of building the diverse nation. Their program was challenged by the political vocabulary deployed by Suharto's New Order, but the leaders of Reformasi and now the newly-elected President Joko Widodo are revisiting political language to develop the sense of belonging to the nation and respect for its diverse parts.
BASE
During the Vietnam War, the US government funded anthropological research in South Vietnam that was charged by critics as supporting counterinsurgency measures. My 1973 BA Hons thesis addressed theoretical debates about the nature of political power in post-colonial peasant societies using ethnographic reports of the research group at Michigan State University Vietnam Advisory Group. In recent years, anthropology has returned to ethical debates in the discipline brought on in the context of US actions as one of the Superpowers during the Cold War and has examined these debates in terms of different contemporary research values in the discipline, as well as changed global politics. From the distance of almost half a century, I wish to re-examine these ethnographic texts in a critical reading of the nature of power in the villages studied.
BASE
Indonesia has long been struggling with ways to conceptualise the 'parts' of the nation in relation to the whole. The nationalist movement took this as a serious challenge and devised a new political vocabulary for the task of building the diverse nation. Their program was challenged by the political vocabulary deployed by Suharto's New Order, but the leaders of Reformasi and now the newly-elected President Joko Widodo are revisiting political language to develop the sense of belonging to the nation and respect for its diverse parts.
BASE
The Sri Lankan-born anthropologist, the late Chandra Jayawardena, was a pivotal figure in the development of Australian anthropology. He arrived at the University of Sydney in the late 1960s, a period of dramatic intellectual and political change. In the
BASE
Indonesia has long been struggling with ways to conceptualise the 'parts' of the nation in relation to the whole. The nationalist movement took this as a serious challenge and devised a new political vocabulary for the task of building the diverse nation. Their program was challenged by the political vocabulary deployed by Suharto's New Order, but the leaders of Reformasi and now the newly-elected President Joko Widodo are revisiting political language to develop the sense of belonging to the nation and respect for its diverse parts.
BASE
Islamist groups are attempting to shape Indonesia's political landscape post-New Order through advocating local regulations based on sharia in districts newly empowered by regional autonomy. In the province of South Sulawesi, which was gripped by a separatist Islamic rebellion in the 1950s and 1960s, the former rebel leader, Kahar Muzakkar, is invoked in a movement to implement sharia-based local regulations. However, the politics of decentralisation are also associated with a resurgence of local cultural identities, which embrace non-Islamic traditions. In Muslim South Sulawesi, these claims have been expressed through the ceremonial re-installation of local traditional rulers and performance of public ceremonies to care for the sacred regalia that legitimate authority, but also through government-funded seminars that explore distinctive Bugis and Makassarese cultural traditions. These claims to power can be understood as a reaction to the taming of cultural difference by the Suharto regime, but they also represent vehicles for local elites to assume power. Based on an analysis of one of the district cultural seminars and accompanying cultural festival, this paper examines the manner in which cultural traditions are strategically mobilised in South Sulawesi, in a rival movement to the Islamist claims to implement sharia.
BASE
Indonesia has long been struggling with ways to conceptualise the 'parts' of the nation in relation to the whole. The nationalist movement took this as a serious challenge and devised a new political vocabulary for the task of building the diverse nation. Their program was challenged by the political vocabulary deployed by Suharto's New Order, but the leaders of Reformasi and now the newly-elected President Joko Widodo are revisiting political language to develop the sense of belonging to the nation and respect for its diverse parts.
BASE
The Sri Lankan-born anthropologist, the late Chandra Jayawardena, was a pivotal figure in the development of Australian anthropology. He arrived at the University of Sydney in the late 1960s, a period of dramatic intellectual and political change. In the
BASE
During the Vietnam War, the US government funded anthropological research in South Vietnam that was charged by critics as supporting counterinsurgency measures. My 1973 BA Hons thesis addressed theoretical debates about the nature of political power in post-colonial peasant societies using ethnographic reports of the research group at Michigan State University Vietnam Advisory Group. In recent years, anthropology has returned to ethical debates in the discipline brought on in the context of US actions as one of the Superpowers during the Cold War and has examined these debates in terms of different contemporary research values in the discipline, as well as changed global politics. From the distance of almost half a century, I wish to re-examine these ethnographic texts in a critical reading of the nature of power in the villages studied.
BASE
Islamist groups are attempting to shape Indonesia's political landscape post-New Order through advocating local regulations based on sharia in districts newly empowered by regional autonomy. In the province of South Sulawesi, which was gripped by a separatist Islamic rebellion in the 1950s and 1960s, the former rebel leader, Kahar Muzakkar, is invoked in a movement to implement sharia-based local regulations. However, the politics of decentralisation are also associated with a resurgence of local cultural identities, which embrace non-Islamic traditions. In Muslim South Sulawesi, these claims have been expressed through the ceremonial re-installation of local traditional rulers and performance of public ceremonies to care for the sacred regalia that legitimate authority, but also through government-funded seminars that explore distinctive Bugis and Makassarese cultural traditions. These claims to power can be understood as a reaction to the taming of cultural difference by the Suharto regime, but they also represent vehicles for local elites to assume power. Based on an analysis of one of the district cultural seminars and accompanying cultural festival, this paper examines the manner in which cultural traditions are strategically mobilised in South Sulawesi, in a rival movement to the Islamist claims to implement sharia.
BASE