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Este artículo recupera la noción marxista de crítica radical como tradición epistemológica fundante y estructurante del Trabajo Social Crítico, y valora su vigencia como posibilidad para recrear el análisis de las posibles formas de intervención social postcrisis sanitaria, económica y social. La crisis cual nos afecta duramente en la actualidad, y nos invita a profundizar la discusión sobre la Asistencia Social como derecho, o el derecho a la Asistencia Social, a su vez fuertemente interrogada en el contexto de la pandemia por COVID-19.

This article develops a contextualized synthesis of the main facts, discourses, events, practices and paradigms that have been participating in the process of shaping the health field and, consequently, of the different meanings produced by this. A historical-genealogical journey through the conceptualizations allows us to locate their political character, inexorably linked to the circulation mechanisms of knowledge-power in the different socio-historical moments. We understand that the health field reflects a trajectory, an evolution (which contains synchronic and diachronic elements) crossed by different agents, actors, practices, disciplines and discourses that make it a dynamic, complex field and in permanent tension. In this way we can observe the lines, marks and wounds that define its current moment, recognizing strongly unequal positions but in frank coexistence. ; Este artículo desarrolla una síntesis contextualizada sobre los principales hechos, discursos, acontecimientos, prácticas y paradigmas que vienen participando del proceso de hechura del campo salud y, por consiguiente de los diferentes sentidos/nociones/pertcepciones que esto produce. Un recorrido histórico-genealógico por las conceptualizaciones nos permite ubicar su carácter político e inexorablemente ligado a los mecanismos de circulación de saber-poder en los distintos momentos socio-históricos. Entendemos que el campo salud da cuenta de una trayectoria, de un devenir (que contiene elementos sincrónicos y diacrónicos) atravesado por distintos agentes, actores, prácticas, disciplinas y discursos que lo convierten en un campo dinámico, complejo y en permanente tensión. De esta manera podemos observar los trazos, las marcas y las heridas que definen su momento actual reconociendo posturas fuertemente desiguales pero en franca coexistencia.

In light of the larger contextual picture of increased geostrategic rivalry with China, this article focuses on the question whether transatlantic cooperation responses towards the geostrategic challenge of China can possibly be coherent at all. How can we explain coherent actions (or lack thereof) between actors across the Atlantic in their foreign policy towards China? The central idea then is to explain transatlantic cooperation responses to the geostrategic challenge of China from a coherence angle, providing us with a perspective by which we can understand why actors on both sides of the Atlantic invest in policy coherence, or rather not. We argue that this coherence angle on transatlantic relations is particularly promising as it combines a focus on actors and structural dimensions that is able to offer explanations by whom, where, and why policy coherence is achieved. By looking into two different cases, the so-called concerted sanctions case and the AUKUS case, we find both, transatlantic coherence and incoherence, respectively, in response to the strategic challenge of China. Overall, this article has important policy implications, as it can point to the underlying factors in transatlantic policy-making that push or obstruct coherence.

While most research has analysed election-orderness by looking at electoral behaviour, this article looks instead at political parties and political programs in the case of the Spanish 2019 European elections. With the collapse of its two-party system and challenger parties on the rise, this paper analyses how Spanish parties addressed topics in their political programs, using content and political discourse analysis. The article argues that the traditional classification of first and second-order elections is no longer well-equipped to depict the increasingly politicised and Europeanised political parties. This finding indicates a new way of addressing topics in Spain, a 'twilight-zone'.

El presente artículo reflexiona sobre el impacto que produjo la irrupción de la pandemia COVID-19 en el desarrollo de un proyecto investigativo abocado a analizar practicas pre profesionales en salud a cargo de estudiantes avanzados de la Licenciatura en Trabajo Social de la Facultad de Ciencia Política y Relaciones Internacionales, Universidad Nacional de Rosario. La pandemia no solo interpela a las políticas públicas y a las capacidades estatales de reaccionar simultáneamente en diversos planos, sino también los modos de intervenir en situaciones prioritarias en contextos de aislamiento social preventivo y obligatorio, como de distanciamiento social preventivo y obligatorio. Como Trabajadores Sociales y docentes universitarios, nuestros procesos no quedaron al margen, y el desafío de sostener un vinculo pedagógico a distancia, con las insuficiencias que ello implica, puso en tensión la estrategia metodológica asumida, incorporando la idea de lo paradojal y lo absurdo. La producción de conocimientos se constituye como un imperativo ético no sólo para otorgar mayor jerarquía al quehacer profesional, sino porque las problemáticas de este momento histórico y los desgarramientos sociales a los que asistimos así lo exigen. En esa línea la formación para la práctica profesional se torna una cuestión inquietante e ineludible desde el punto de vista político-pedagógico. ; This article reflects on the impact that the emergence of the Covid 19 pandemic produced in the development ogf a research project aimed at analyzing pre-professional health practices by advanced students of the Bachelor's Degree in Social Work of the Faculty of Political Science and Relations International, National University of Rosario.The pandemic not only challenges public policies and state capacities to react simultaneously on various levels, but aslo the ways of intervening in priority situations in contexts of preventive and compulsory social isolation, such as preventive and compulsory social distancing.As Social Workers and university teachers, our processes were not left out, and the challenge of maintaining a distance pedagogical link, with the inadequacies that this implies, put the assumed methodological strategy in tensión, incorporating the idea of the paradoxical and the absurd.The production of knowledge is constituted as an ethical imperative not only to grant a greater hierarchy to professional work, but aslo because the problems of this historical momento and the social disruptions we are witnessing requiere it. Along these lines, training for professional practice becomes a disturbing and unavoidable issue from the political-pedagogical point of view.

Torture methods have traditionally been quantified using checklists. However, checklists fail to capture accurately both the almost infinite range of available methods of torture and the victims' subjective experience. The Torturing Environment Scale (TES) was designed as a multidimensional alternative that groups torture methods according to the specific human function under attack. This study aims to do an exploratory assessment of the internal consistency reliability and discriminatory validity of the TES as part of a construct validity assessment in a sample of Basque torture survivors. We applied the TES to a sample of 201 torture survivors from the Istanbul Protocol Project in the Basque Country Study (IPP-BC) to profile torturing environments in detention. To estimate the internal consistency reliability of the scale, categorical omega values were obtained for each subscale of the TES. To assess its discriminatory validity, the "known groups" method was used comparing mean scorings by gender, state security forces involved in the detention, and decade (the 1980s to the present) when the events took place. Men reported more physical pain, while women reported more attacks on self-identity and sexual integrity. The TES also showed significant differences as regards the security forces involved in the detention: Civil Guard (a militarised police) used more manipulation of the environment, threats, fear, pain and extreme pain, as compared to national and regional corps. Finally, although patterns of torture remained mostly unchanged across decades, more recent detentions included more emphasis on psychological attacks: context manipulation, humiliation linked to sexual identity, and attacks to meaning and identity. For all subscales of the TES, categorical omega values ranged from 0.44 to 0.72. The TES may be a useful tool in profiling torturing environments. Its sensitivity to key contextual variables supports the discriminatory validity of the scale. While some of the subscales showed an acceptable degree ...

BACKGROUND: Torture methods have traditionally been quantified using checklists. However, checklists fail to capture accurately both the almost infinite range of available methods of torture and the victims' subjective experience. The Torturing Environment Scale (TES) was designed as a multidimensional alternative that groups torture methods according to the specific human function under attack. This study aims to do an exploratory assessment of the internal consistency reliability and discriminatory validity of the TES as part of a construct validity assessment in a sample of Basque torture survivors. METHODS: We applied the TES to a sample of 201 torture survivors from the Istanbul Protocol Project in the Basque Country Study (IPP-BC) to profile torturing environments in detention. To estimate the internal consistency reliability of the scale, categorical omega values were obtained for each subscale of the TES. To assess its discriminatory validity, the "known groups" method was used comparing mean scorings by gender, state security forces involved in the detention, and decade (the 1980s to the present) when the events took place. RESULTS: Men reported more physical pain, while women reported more attacks on self-identity and sexual integrity. The TES also showed significant differences as regards the security forces involved in the detention: Civil Guard (a militarised police) used more manipulation of the environment, threats, fear, pain and extreme pain, as compared to national and regional corps. Finally, although patterns of torture remained mostly unchanged across decades, more recent detentions included more emphasis on psychological attacks: context manipulation, humiliation linked to sexual identity, and attacks to meaning and identity. For all subscales of the TES, categorical omega values ranged from 0.44 to 0.72. CONCLUSION: The TES may be a useful tool in profiling torturing environments. Its sensitivity to key contextual variables supports the discriminatory validity of the scale. While some of ...

En el marco de la pandemia por Covid-19, las medidas de Aislamiento Social, Preventivo y Obligatorio dieron en el corazón de las Prácticas Profesionales dentro de la formación académica en Trabajo Social e interpelaron los modos y fundamentos tradicionales de dictado y cursado de este tipo de materias.En el presente escrito, compartimos en clave reflexiva la propuesta de ateneos como dispositivo habilitante de procesos de enseñanza-aprendizaje que contribuya a no sucumbir a la paradoja de una práctica "sin prácticas" ni a la inmovilidad de la perplejidad que produce esta situación inédita y disruptiva.