Between 1987 and 1988 were approved two radio laws in Portugal, reflecting two different political atmospheres: law no. 8/87, a left-wing supported law, and law no. 87/88 supported by the right-wing in the parliament. Both laws were concerned with privatization and liberalization of radio. The first law (8/87) was concerned with regulation aspects such as the restriction of property to prevent concentration. The second law (87/88) ended the process of liberalization of the radio. The purpose of this paper is to study the decision-making processes and the key players involved in bringing these two laws about. It pays special attention to the political system and the parliamentary debates of that period. Its main goal is to identify political and external actors (radio groups, lobby groups, etc.), main themes and arguments, and the negotiation strategies that resulted in the acceptance of the proposals.
The main objective of this article is to provide an understanding of the Portuguese free radio movement while at the same time presenting it as a part of the Southern European movement. Theoretically, we use the concept of media system provided by Hallin and Mancini – in particular, the polarized pluralist model used to describe the Mediterranean countries. The Portuguese movement shared with its Greek counterpart some of the characteristics associated with the sharing and enjoyment of music. Comparison with the French free radio movement allows us to frame the reaction of the Portuguese party political system to the illegal broadcasting phenomenon. The methodological strategy is based on the triangulation of information sources. A total of fifteen in-depth interviews were conducted with free radio activists, parliamentarians and journalists, and press reports and parliamentary debates between 1983 and 1988 were subjected to content analysis. With the study of the recent past we want to contribute towards the public debate about mass media in subjects like regulation and the state, pluralism and public service, media economic groups, freedom of information and expression, and citizenship rights.
This study analyses the dynamics of entrepreneurship in Portugal and other European Union countries from 2010 to 2014. We used the Global Entrepreneurship Monitor (GEM) data collected through representative samples of the population of each country to analyze three main areas: entrepreneurial activity, entrepreneurial attitudes and entrepreneurial aspirations. Our results show that in 2010, 2011, 2012 and 2013, the total early-entrepreneurship rate in Portugal was the same as the average in EU countries but in 2014 it was higher. However, this rise in entrepreneurial activity in Portugal in 2014 was mainly necessity-driven and not improvement-driven. The results also show that despite the fact that Portugal was perceived to have poor opportunities for new business during this period, Portuguese people believe more strongly than people in other countries that they have the required knowledge and skills to start a business. In general, although entrepreneurial attitudes in Portugal are characterized by average entrepreneurial intentions, lower perceived opportunities, higher perceived capabilities to start a business, their fear of failure would prevent them from starting a business. These results are relevant with regard to rethinking the promotion of entrepreneurship in Portugal. ; info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion
Metacity launched the challenge of reflecting on the 'implicit' and mostly 'invisible' drivers that influence urban transformation. The call asked participants to explore the nexus between scientific knowledge, political and economic actors and social mobilization in the production of contemporary urban space. Questions were raised: What concepts, methods and fields of knowledge – instituted or to be established – can and will inform urban development theory(s) and practice(s) in the near future? What types of urban knowledge are still considered legitimate and what is their relevance? How public policies, governance practices and development strategies had change cities and how can we re-think these instruments? What, after all, is the effective importance of political and social mobilization of urban scientists and technicians in the process of "making cities"? We were pleased to received several contributions from different disciplines and geographies that have shown these are cross-cutting issues on a global scale. Some of these contributions were collected in this book and we will briefly present their main subjects. ; info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion
The presentation aims to highlight the case of Delhi as a reference to reflect on urban planning in general and in the case of Lisbon Metropolitan Area. In fact, the extremes, the edges, offer important insights to understand other realities and dynamics through the identification of players, forces and movements that might be not so evidenced in more 'conventional' cases. New Delhi is the second largest megacity in the world with a population of 25 million inhabitants. Its metropolitan area is under severe vulnerabilities due to the lack of control of planning instruments on urban transformations. Planning efforts seem to have been used by diverse processes and actors under distinct historical moments, namely colonization, state control over land and nowadays capitalism and globalization dynamics. This leaded to the advent of an insurgent urbanism, where a network of vulnerabilities as settled in time. The presentation establishes this nexus by revisiting key urban transformations in Delhi relating them with planning options that have emerged in distinct socioeconomic, cultural and political contexts. Secondly some considerations will be made on how contemporary concepts such as 'sustainability', 'resilience', 'participative governance' or 'smart cities' are being framed, perceived and applied under the context of current urban planning instruments, polices and research. It seems that these narratives are serving as a mean to achieve specific goals by different drivers and actors. Thirdly it is intended to highlight the importance of these examples as key triggers for a deep rethinking on concepts and practices in urban planning field today, namely in the case of Lisbon Metropolitan Area, keeping a critical distance from hegemonic normative views and looking closer at the distinct meanings, power relations, unbalances that surround them according to the diverse scientific, politic, social, economic drivers. ; info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion
New Delhi is the second largest megacity in the world with a population of 26 million inhabitants (United Nations, 2016). Its metropolitan area its under severe vulnerabilities due to the lack of control of planning instruments on urban transformations. Needs in housing, resources (water and energy), infrastructures, transports, public services (health and education) among others are definitely going beyond local and regional government response capacities (Kapuria, 2014). Planning efforts, polices and regulations seem to have been instrumentalized under distinct historical moments, namely colonization, state control over land and nowadays capitalism and globalization. This leaded to the advent of an unplanned urbanism, with its extreme consequences and risks. It is intended to establish this nexus by revisiting the key planning moments in Delhi along with its different socioeconomic, cultural and political frameworks across time. Finally, we draw conclusions on how contemporary urban development models such as 'sustainability', 'resilience', 'participated governance' or 'smart cities' are being framed, perceived and applied under the context of Delhi urban planning instruments, polices and research. It seems that these narratives are serving as means to achieve specific goals by different drivers and actors. The discourse of sustainability is used to sell gated urbanizations for higher income classes, situated in greened areas, far way from slums and pollution. Resilience and horizontal governance is pursuit by the state as a mean to make citizens resistant and accountable to deal with city problems withdrawing public institutions from its own responsibility. Smart Cities Agenda is based on a huge investment on technologic information systems (Delhi is home to many ICT companies) on the hope to end mobility and pollution problems, leaving aside the fact that 77% of Delhi population live under poverty, in precarious housing or without infrastructure (sewage systems, water distribution and services) (Kushwaha, 2016). It is intended to highlight the importance of this reflection for a deep rethinking on concepts and practices in urban planning field, specially in what concerns its normative generalization without taking into account the influences and consequences of distinct political, social, ; info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion
New Delhi is the second largest megacity in the world, housing around 26 million inhabitants, it's also a city of extremes.1 Uneven growth and social segregation, massive urbanization, environmental threats, lack of public services, infrastructural weaknesses are a daily routine, and not some future dystopian scenario. 2 According to Delhi Master Plan (2021), only 24% of the population lives in considered legal areas, with the remaining 76% of the population inhabiting unauthorized areas, with poor access to basic services such as house, water, electricity, health or education. 3 The majority of urban population seems to have been forgotten across time or doomed to social-spatial exclusion, enunciating an outstanding gap between planning practice and the dynamics and needs of the city. We may question whether the perpetuation of this gap hasn't been always embedded in planning and policy practice, constituting an echo of political, economic, institutional and scientific 'influences' ? from the West to the East or a mirror of the Indian fragmented society. 4 Three urban planning moments will be revisited in this paper, corresponding also to specific historical contexts, urban models, polices and regulations: Colonial planning driven by the interests of the British empire; modernist planning motivated by post-independence democracy; and, more recently, what one may venture to categorize as neoliberal planning, boosted by economic structural adjustments in the 90's.56 It's intended to demonstrate the nexus between the exercise of planning and police making and the growing detachment between a 'planned city' and an 'unplanned city', with its extreme consequences and risks. Finally, the paper presents some concluding remarks on the importance to critically analyse the permeability of concepts, models and practices to external influences, and how urban planning field may be undermined and/or undermining the solving of urban challenges around the World. This paper presents preliminary results of a research exchange at the Centre for the Study of Science Policy, Jawarlal Nehru University (New Delhi) under the European Marie Currie project "Crossing Borders. Knowledge, Innovation and Technology transfer across borders". Main results are based on literature review, consultation of planning/policy tools and the analysis of a set of interviews conducted to researchers from several disciplinary fields and to public institutions related to urban planning. ; info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion
Background: Not much is known about the associations of maternal obesity and excessive gestational weight gain with body fat in infancy. Objective: To examine the associations of maternal pre-pregnancy body mass index and gestational weight gain with infant subcutaneous fat. Methods: In a population-based prospective cohort study among 845 mothers and their infants, we obtained maternal pre-pregnancy body mass index and measured maternal weight during pregnancy. At 1.5, 6 and 24 months, we estimated infant total subcutaneous fat (sum of biceps, triceps, suprailiacal and subscapular skinfold thicknesses) and central-to-total subcutaneous fat ratio (sum of suprailiacal and subscapular skinfold thicknesses/total subcutaneous fat). Results: Maternal body mass index was positively associated with higher infant body mass index from 6 months onwards. Maternal body mass index was not associated with infant subcutaneous fat measures at 1.5 or 6 months. A 1-standard deviation scores (SDS) higher maternal body mass index was associated with a 0.09 (95% Confidence Interval 0.01, 0.17) SDS higher infant total subcutaneous fat at 24 months, but not with central-to-total subcutaneous fat ratio. No associations were present for maternal total or period-specific gestational weight gain with infant fat. Conclusion: Maternal body mass index was positively associated with infant body mass index and total subcutaneous fat in late infancy. Maternal total and period-specific gestational weight gain were not associated with infant body fat mass measures. ; The general design of the Generation R Study is made possible by financial support from the Erasmus MC, University Medical Center, Rotterdam, Erasmus University Rotterdam, Netherlands Organization for Health Research and Development (ZonMw), Netherlands Organisation for Scientific Research (NWO), Ministry of Health, Welfare and Sport and Ministry of Youth and Families. Research leading to these results has received funding from the European Union Seventh Framework Programme (FP7/2007-2013), project EarlyNutrition under grant agreement n°289346. Susana Santos received a grant from the Portuguese Foundation for Science and Technology (SFRH/BD/81123/2011). Vincent Jaddoe received an additional grant from the Netherlands Organization for Health Research and Development (NWO, ZonMw-VIDI 016.136.361) and Consolidator Grant from the European research Council (ERC-2014-CoG-648916).
As fronteiras do leste e sudoeste amazônico têm sido palco de intenso processo de desmatamento e grilagem de terras públicas, onde, via a utilização do fogo, é realizada a conversão sistemática de florestas em monoculturas e pastagens para o gado. Neste contexto, os solos vão sendo envenenados pela (des) regulamentação do uso de agrotóxicos e rios e igarapés vão desaparecendo mais rapidamente. Com o extermínio dos polinizadores, logo todos os sistemas de produção agrícola desta grande região se verão diretamente impactados, e aos poucos, o arco do fogo, como é conhecido esse território, vai se convertendo em um arco de cinzas e ruínas. Há outros impactos menos evidentes, mas não menos preocupantes, neste dramático processo destrutivo. Esse território corresponde ao lar de todos os povos indígenas isolados tupi da Amazônia brasileira. Comunidades que, a exemplo dos Awá-Guajá do Maranhão e Kagwahiva do Mato Grosso, são formados por grupos bastante reduzidos e que vivem nos últimos redutos florestais destas fronteiras amazônicas. A extinção das abelhas nesses territórios coloca em xeque uma profunda relação dos povos indígenas e esta entomofauna, expressa no padrão de mobilidade e itinerância relacionados à coleta e extração do mel, prática de grande relevância neste contexto indígena tupi.
