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This article argues for setting a research agenda to investigate more concretely the interplay between welfare attitudes and support for populist parties. ; This article argues for setting a research agenda to investigate more concretely the interplay between welfare attitudes and support for populist parties.

Intro -- Preface -- Contents -- Chapter 1: Introduction -- Main Argument of the Book -- Comparative Methodology -- Defining Totalitarianism -- Explaining Totalitarianism: The Role of State-Building -- Evilness -- Summary and Content of the Book -- References -- Chapter 2: Cases of Totalitarianism -- Totalizing Ideology -- Organization -- Political Religion -- Fear -- Summary -- References -- Chapter 3: Explaining Evilness -- Critique of Arendt -- Ordinary and Banal -- Duty Rather Than Ideology? -- The Inability to Think -- Critique of Milgram -- Social-Psychological Approaches to Evilness -- Culture and Killing -- Summary -- References -- Chapter 4: France and the Non-Totalitarian Inquisition -- The Development of France -- The Emergence of the Inquisition in France -- Deciding to Have an Inquisition -- Setting up the Inquisition -- Inquisition and Resistance -- Anti-Semitism in Medieval France -- Conclusion -- References -- Chapter 5: Spain: Pre-Modern Totalitarianism -- Spanish Totalitarianism as a State-Building Process -- Legitimizing Evilness -- The Roots of Racial Anti-Semitism -- Setting Up the Inquisition -- Doing Evil for the Inquisition -- Evil Acts -- Reasons for Committing Evil Acts -- Conclusion -- References -- Chapter 6: Sweden -- Swedish Stability -- Policy Legacy of Consensus and Compromise -- Consensus and Democratization -- Creating Consensus and Coopting the Term Folk -- State-Building and the Incorporation of Peasants into the Democratic Process -- Developing a Relatively Autonomous Bureaucracy -- Creating a Professionalized Bureaucracy -- The Relatively Autonomous Bureaucracy -- Racism Swedish-Style -- Conclusion -- References -- Chapter 7: Nazi Germany and Non-Banal Evilness -- German State-Building -- Bureaucracy and Legitimacy -- Support for the Nazis -- Nazi Voters and Members -- Peasants -- Associational Life.

Through the use of a historical-institutional perspective and with particular reference to the Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland and Slovakia; this study explores the state of family policies in Post-Communist Europe. It analyzes how these policies have developed and examines their impact on gender relations for the countries mentioned.

With a foreword by Seymour Lipset, Hoover Institution and George Mason University, USAThe Fall examines one of the twentieth century's great historical puzzles: why did the communist-led regimes in Eastern Europe collapse so quickly and why was the process of collapse so different from country to country? This major study explains why the impetus for change in Poland and Hungary came from the regimes themselves, while in Czechoslovakia and East Germany it was mass movements which led to the downfall of the regimes.

Abstract
This article begins by discussing some of the main approaches that have emerged to gender and family policy, before proceeding to discuss more modern trends. It begins by discussing institutional approaches, such as the male-breadwinner model, defamilialisation, degenderisation. Then it discusses cultural approaches, such as the national ideals of care, gendered moral rationalities, and Hakim's preference theory. Then this article continues by briefly discussing attempts to broaden the discussion by bringing in children (including through the capabilities approach) and by adding an intersectional perspective.

AbstractTheorists of Europeanization expected the EU to have the greatest influence on post‐communist countries during the period of negotiation to join the EU as the EU had the greatest possibilities of pressuring the post‐communist countries to make reforms before they joined, on the grounds that it could threaten to prevent these countries from joining unless they met certain conditions. However, in the case of family policy, the EU had very little direct influence on the post‐communist countries. These countries had already long since met the minimum conditions for maternity leaves, while they simply ignored the Barcelona goal of providing day care for one‐third of children aged under three. When the Czech Republic had the EU presidency, its Prime Minister openly stated that the post‐communist countries would have never agreed to the Barcelona goals if they had been members at the time the agreement was made. The one area in which the EU has had some direct influence is in its demands to make laws gender neutral. Thus, the 'extended maternity leaves' that follow the more generously paid maternity leaves had to be transformed into 'parental leaves' that are open to men and guarantee men the right to get their job backs afterwards. However, since the leave benefits are a low flat‐rate in most of the countries, very few men have gone on leave; so in practice they have remained as 'extended maternity leaves' more than parental leaves.Nevertheless, the EU has had great indirect influence on family policy in that by requiring 'gender mainstreaming', all the post‐communist countries have had to set up commissions that examine law proposals from a gender equality perspective. This in turn has given the notion of 'gender equality' much more legitimacy in the public eye, as the mass media has felt pressure to report more on these issues. After discussing the actual changes in policies in two post‐communist countries (the Czech Republic and Poland), this article goes on to analyze the discourse on feminism in the main daily newspapers, and it shows that before accession the newspapers were rather hostile towards feminism, while afterwards they have become much more accepting of the term. This more open view towards 'feminism' meant that it would be easier for future reforms in family policy to be made which could be more supportive of gender equality. Thus, Poland has recently reformed its parental leaves in a manner that gives men greater incentives to share in the leaves, and an openly feminist activist, who wants fathers to share in parental leaves, has recently become Minister for Labour and Social Affairs in the Czech Republic. The EU did not have any direct influence on these developments, but by forcing countries to have gender equality commissions, the EU contributed to making 'feminism' more acceptable, which in turn made it easier for feminists to become ministers in charge of social policy, who could carry out reforms long after the countries had joined the EU.