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Der Problemzusammenhang zwischen Sozialstruktur und politischer Ordnung gehört in den vergleichenden Sozialwissenschaften zu den klassischen Forschungsgebieten. Doch während westliche Gesellschaften häufig Gegenstand der Untersuchung waren, liegen zu Japan nur wenige ältere Studien vor. Dies gründet vor allem in der Popularität empirisch meist nicht überprüfbarer theoretischer Ansätze, die eine Einzigartigkeit und Homogenität der japanischen Gesellschaft behaupten und die Vergleichbarkeit mit westlichen Gesellschaften grundsätzlich verneinen .

AbstractJapan and Germany were allies during World War II, and both countries committed crimes. Even though the Nazi persecution of Jews in Germany was unprecedented in history, Japan has also been found guilty of serious misdemeanours. Today, Germany acknowledges the magnitude of its responsibility and strives to deal with this legacy. However, in Japan, we find no consensus on dealing with the matter. Nonetheless, it would be short-sighted to conclude that Germany did a better job than Japan from the outset. In analysing the different approaches to remembrance culture in the two countries, we use the theoretical framework ofcivil religionto assess the impacts of the respective civil religions on the culture of commemoration. We hereby analyzed the structural factors as well as the influence of individual political behaviour. Immediately after the war, neither Germany nor Japan were interested in coming to terms with their past. Both countries were subject to Western integration, and both countries experienced remarkable economic growth. One of the major differences between both countries concerns civil religion. While Germany no longer relied on strong nationalism-based politics and instead pursued European integration, in Japan. Shintôism has continued to influence feelings of national belonging, making it more difficult to establish a critical dialogue with the past. Further differences are apparent: the Western origin of Japan's constitution, the conflicting international environment in Japan, the late regime change, differences in education and, most importantly, the impacts of generational change in Germany. The 1968 student generation strongly condemned Nazi aggression and demanded that the older generation face responsibility, which strongly contributed to a reappraisal of the past in the public sphere.

Abstract Japan and Germany were allies during World War II, and both countries committed crimes. Even though the Nazi persecution of Jews in Germany was unprecedented in history, Japan has also been found guilty of serious misdemeanours. Today, Germany acknowledges the magnitude of its responsibility and strives to deal with this legacy. However, in Japan, we find no consensus on dealing with the matter. Nonetheless, it would be short-sighted to conclude that Germany did a better job than Japan from the outset. In analysing the different approaches to remembrance culture in the two countries, we use the theoretical framework of civil religion to assess the impacts of the respective civil religions on the culture of commemoration. We hereby analyzed the structural factors as well as the influence of individual political behaviour. Immediately after the war, neither Germany nor Japan were interested in coming to terms with their past. Both countries were subject to Western integration, and both countries experienced remarkable economic growth. One of the major differences between both countries concerns civil religion. While Germany no longer relied on strong nationalism-based politics and instead pursued European integration, in Japan. Shintôism has continued to influence feelings of national belonging, making it more difficult to establish a critical dialogue with the past. Further differences are apparent: the Western origin of Japan's constitution, the conflicting international environment in Japan, the late regime change, differences in education and, most importantly, the impacts of generational change in Germany. The 1968 student generation strongly condemned Nazi aggression and demanded that the older generation face responsibility, which strongly contributed to a reappraisal of the past in the public sphere.

"In August 2009 the electoral victory of the Democratic Party of Japan, ended more than half a century of almost uninterrupted rule by the conservative Liberal Democratic Party. The numerous political scandals and ongoing restructuring in the Japanese party system during the decades of LDP rule had led to a widespread disenchantment with politics in the Japanese population, resulting in declining voter turnout rates and a significant increase in the number of political non-supporters. The political change of power was accompanied by expectations of political observers that the DPJ could stop the ongoing trend of political dealignment among the population. Japan's new government was just about two years in Office when the worst earthquake since records struck the Tohoku region in North eastern Japan on March 11, 2011, causing a tidal wave of devastating proportions as well as the nuclear disaster of Fukushima. Against the background of the Fukushima crisis, this article aims at answering the questions whether the DPJ kept their campaign promise of 'policy change' and 'primacy of the citizen' and whether it could restore the public's confidence in politics." (author's abstract)

Während die Ostrechtsforschung sich in der Zwischenkriegszeit auf die Auslandsrechtsforschung und die Staaten Osteuropas konzentriert hat, ist nach dem Zweiten Weltkrieg zunehmend deutlich geworden, so der Verfasser, dass eine Beschränkung auf die Rechtsanalyse ohne Berücksichtigung des politischen Systems kaum brauchbare Ergebnisse liefern kann. Die gegenwärtige Ostrechtswissenschaft erfasst, dokumentiert und analysiert das Recht der Staaten in Mittel- und Osteuropa, womit heute die Auslandsrechtsforschung und Rechtsvergleichung im Vordergrund steht. Auch die Nachfolgestaaten der Sowjetunion in der Kaukasusregion und in Zentralasien werden in den Gegenstandsbereich der Ostrechtsforschung einbezogen. An dieser Forschungstätigkeit besteht nicht zuletzt wegen der auf diese Region bezogenen Expansionsbestrebungen der deutschen Wirtschaft ein erhebliches Interesse. Neben der praxisbezogenen Forschung stellen auch heute die Politikberatung, die Mitwirkung an nationalen und internationalen Fachdialogen sowie die Unterrichtung der interessierten Öffentlichkeit wichtige Aufgaben der Ostrechtsforschung dar. Die Lage der Ostrechtsforschung in Deutschland ist, so der Autor, recht unterschiedlich. Ihre Zukunft ist kaum sicher vorauszusagen. Während an einigen Orten Einrichtungen geschlossen sowie Personal und Sachmittel gekürzt wurden, sind an anderen Orten neue Kapazitäten entstanden. Insgesamt überwiegt aber bisher die negative Tendenz. Setzt sich der Abbau von Ostrechtslehrstühlen und von wissenschaftlichen Mitarbeiterstellen fort, bleibt dies nicht ohne Folgen für Studierende, Doktoranden und Habilitanden, so dass sich die Ostrechtsforschung eines Tages ungeachtet wissenschaftspolitischer Pläne und finanzieller Rahmenbedingungen schon mangels Nachwuchs an qualifizierten Lehrkräften erledigt haben kann. (ICF2)