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RESUMO A atuação em rede intersetorial constitui um desafio para a atenção a mulheres em situação de violência de gênero. A pesquisa qualitativa de que trata este artigo se utilizou de um estudo de caso para investigar as possibilidades de construção de uma rede intersetorial entre a Atenção Básica à Saúde e serviços especializados no atendimento àquelas mulheres, especificamente na região Centro do Rio de Janeiro. Os dados levantados por meio de entrevistas semiestruturadas e observação dos serviços foram submetidos à análise de conteúdo. Para o presente artigo, analisaram-se: a trama de serviços atualmente existente; a relação entre atenção básica e serviços especializados; e o lugar da atenção básica na atenção integral a mulheres em situação de violência. Os resultados apontam que há tendencialmente potencial para a construção de uma assistência em rede, ainda que diversos obstáculos institucionais e da cultura assistencial de cada tipo de serviço gerem uma configuração ainda pouco integrada enquanto uma rede. Mesmo assim, os resultados também mostram que os centros de referência para a atenção em violência de gênero são os serviços, atualmente, com maior potencial para atuar em rede, especialmente na relação com o setor saúde.

At first sight, Collective Health might seem to be multiple and fragmented. Aiming to understand better what defines it as knowledge and activity in society, we made a theoretical review of historical and epistemological considerations developed by researchers who dedicated themselves to characterizing it as a scientific and social field. First, based on this literature, we provide a brief panorama of the emergence of Collective Health in Brazil. It is important to notice that its origins date back to the end of the 1970s, in a context in which Brazil was experiencing a military dictatorship. Collective Health emerges, at that moment, connected with the struggle for democracy and with the Health Reform movement. We show the influences of preventive medicine and social medicine in its constitution. Then, we explore different attempts to delimit it as field of knowledge and practice. We sought to present Collective Health not through one single definition, but taking into account the multiplicity of constructions about it that we found. This allows us to point to an identity of difficult development and that is still under construction. ; A Saúde Coletiva pode, em um primeiro contato, parecer bastante múltipla e fragmentada. Buscando compreender melhor o que a define como conhecimento e atuação na sociedade, realizou-se uma recuperação de natureza teórica das considerações históricas e epistemológicas desenvolvidas por pesquisadores dedicados a caracterizá-la como campo científico e social. Primeiro, com base nessa produção bibliográfica, foi feita uma breve caracterização da emergência da Saúde Coletiva. É de se destacar que suas origens situam-se no final da década de 1970, em um contexto no qual o Brasil estava vivendo uma ditadura militar. A Saúde Coletiva nasce, nesse período, vinculada à luta pela democracia e ao movimento da Reforma Sanitária. Apontam-se as influências do preventivismo e da medicina social em sua constituição. Ao longo deste estudo, foram exploradas distintas tentativas de sua delimitação como campo de saberes e de práticas. Buscou-se apresentar a Saúde Coletiva não com uma definição única, mas considerando a multiplicidade de construções encontradas, o que permite apontar para uma identidade de difícil elaboração e ainda em desenvolvimento.

The aim of the study was to interpret and understand the institutionalization of public health care in the state of Sao Paulo over the years 1930-1940, based on the history of medical specialties. The methodology involved analysis of new sources of documents, which were compared with the existing literature, thereby leading to identification of new indices relating to the issue of eugenics and the presence of physicians' religious beliefs as a social movement. As physicians became public health experts, they proposed a project to elevate the Brazilian race, by merging the hygienist discourse with sanitary actions. Sao Paulo sought primacy in this project, believing that this was a State already constituted by a race of "historically healthy men". Religious beliefs influenced the debate and the decisions of that time with regard to the established order within public health. In this manner, it could be shown that, historically, public health discourse was constituted by merging technical-scientific issues with political-ideological and cultural issues, producing a mixture of different interests and corporative perspectives of the profession. ; El objetivo del estudio fue interpretar y comprender la institucionalización de la salud pública paulista en los años 1930-1940, basándose en la historia de las especialidades médicas. Se analizaron nuevas fuentes documentales cónsonas con la literatura existente, llevando a la identificación de nuevos indicios relativos al aspecto eugenesia y a la presencia de creencias religiosas de médicos como un movimiento social. Los médicos, en la medida que se especializaban como sanitaristas, proponían un proyecto para elevar la raza brasileña, mezclando discursos higienistas con acciones sanitarias. Sao Paulo buscó la primacía en este proyecto, por considerarse un Estado detentor de una raza ya constituida "hombres históricamente saludables". Las creencias religiosas influenciaron el debate y las decisiones de época para la orden sanitaria. Históricamente, el discurso sanitario compone aspectos técnico-científicos con las político-ideológicas y las culturales, produciendo una mezcla de los diferentes intereses y perspectivas de orden corporativa de la profesión. ; O objetivo do estudo foi interpretar e compreender a institucionalização da saúde pública paulista nos anos 1930-1940, com base na história das especialidades médicas. Foram analisadas novas fontes documentais em diálogo com a literatura existente, levando à identificação de novos indícios relativamente à questão eugênica e à presença de crenças religiosas de médicos como um movimento social. Os médicos, à medida que se especializavam como sanitaristas, propunham um projeto para elevar a raça brasileira, mesclando discursos higienistas com ações sanitárias. São Paulo buscou a primazia nesse projeto, por se acreditar um Estado detentor de uma raça já constituída de "homens historicamente saudáveis". Crenças religiosas influenciaram o debate e as decisões de época para a ordem sanitária. Historicamente, o discurso sanitário compõe questões técnico-científicas com as político-ideológicas e as culturais, produzindo uma mescla dos diferentes interesses e perspectivas de ordem corporativa da profissão.

Buscou-se identificar e analisar a inserção dos psicólogos na rede intersetorial de serviços para mulheres em situação de violência. Foram analisadas entrevistas com profissionais de serviços específicos da Grande São Paulo (policial, saúde, psicossocial, abrigo, orientações básicas). Os psicólogos estão presentes e são solicitados em todos os tipos de serviços. Têm lugar na capacitação e supervisão dos profissionais, além do atendimento às mulheres. Na assistência, nota-se grande diversidade de práticas, com frequente ajustamento das intervenções aos objetivos, à cultura institucional e à vocação assistencial dos serviços. Há uma relativa indefinição na especificidade do trabalho do psicólogo, o que pode representar impasses para uma melhor articulação em equipe e em rede, mas, por outro lado, também pode criar oportunidades para inovações na prática.

Over the past three decades, international covenants have been signed and countries have implemented strategies and legislation to address violence against women. Concurrently, strong evidence on the magnitude and impact of violence against women has emerged from around the world. Despite a growing understanding of factors that may influence women's vulnerability to violence and its effects, key questions about intervention options persist. Using evidence from a WHO household survey on domestic violence, our paper discusses women's help-seeking patterns and considers these findings in relation to Brazil's policies and strategies on violence against women. For the WHO survey, data from a large urban center (the city of São Paulo) and from a rural region (Zona da Mata Pernambucana [ZMP]) was collected. Findings from this survey indicate that in São Paulo, only 33.8% of women who experienced intimate partner violence (IPV) sought help from a formal service provider, including health, legal, social, or women's support services; in the Forest Zone of the State of Pernambuco, an even smaller proportion (17.1%) sought formal assistance. The majority of women were likely to contact only informal sources of support, such as family, friends, and neighbors. Women who used formal services were primarily those who experienced more severe levels of violence, were severely injured, had children who witnessed the violence, or whose work was disrupted by the violence. Although Brazil adopted progressive laws and national and local strategies to address violence against women (VAW), messages about violence and equality need to reach informal networks and the wider community in order to national anti-violence policies to be successful in supporting women before violence becomes intolerable. To translate international standards and national policies into actions that genuinely reach women experiencing violence, states must carefully consider evidence on women's options and decision making.

Over the past three decades, international covenants have been signed and countries have implemented strategies and legislation to address violence against women. Concurrently, strong evidence on the magnitude and impact of violence against women has emerged from around the world. Despite a growing understanding of factors that may influence women's vulnerability to violence and its effects, key questions about intervention options persist. Using evidence from a WHO household survey on domestic violence, our paper discusses women's help-seeking patterns and considers these findings in relation to Brazil's policies and strategies on violence against women. For the WHO survey, data from a large urban center (the city of Sao Paulo) and from a rural region (Zona da Mata Pernambucana [ZMP]) was collected. Findings from this survey indicate that in Sao Paulo, only 33.8% of women who experienced intimate partner violence (IPV) sought help from a formal service provider, including health, legal, social, or women's support services; in the Forest Zone of the State of Pernambuco, an even smaller proportion (17.1%) sought formal assistance. The majority of women were likely to contact only informal sources of support, such as family, friends, and neighbors. Women who used formal services were primarily those who experienced more severe levels of violence, were severely injured, had children who witnessed the violence, or whose work was disrupted by the violence. Brazil adopted progressive laws and national and local strategies to address violence against women (VAW). Messages about violence and equality now need to reach informal networks and the wider community in order for national anti-violence policies to be successful in supporting women before violence reaches the more extreme levels of severity at which women seek formal help. To translate international standards and national policies into actions that genuinely reach women experiencing violence, states must carefully consider evidence on women's options and decision making. Adapted from the source document.

Over the past three decades, international covenants have been signed and countries have implemented strategies and legislation to address violence against women. Concurrently, strong evidence on the magnitude and impact of violence against women has emerged from around the world. Despite a growing understanding of factors that may influence women's vulnerability to violence and its effects, key questions about intervention options persist. Using evidence from a WHO household survey on domestic violence, our paper discusses women's help-seeking patterns and considers these findings in relation to Brazil's policies and strategies on violence against women. For the WHO survey, data from a large urban center (the city of Sao Paulo) and from a rural region (Zona da Mata Pernambucana [ZMP]) was collected. Findings from this survey indicate that in Sao Paulo, only 33.8% of women who experienced intimate partner violence (IPV) sought help from a formal service provider, including health, legal, social, or women's support services; in the Forest Zone of the State of Pernambuco, an even smaller proportion (17.1%) sought formal assistance. The majority of women were likely to contact only informal sources of support, such as family, friends, and neighbors. Women who used formal services were primarily those who experienced more severe levels of violence, were severely injured, had children who witnessed the violence, or whose work was disrupted by the violence. Brazil adopted progressive laws and national and local strategies to address violence against women (VAW). Messages about violence and equality now need to reach informal networks and the wider community in order for national anti-violence policies to be successful in supporting women before violence reaches the more extreme levels of severity at which women seek formal help. To translate international standards and national policies into actions that genuinely reach women experiencing violence, states must carefully consider evidence on women's options and decision making. Adapted from the source document.

BACKGROUND: There is growing recognition of the health sector's potential role in addressing domestic violence (DV) against women. Although Brazil has a comprehensive policy framework on violence against women (VAW), implementation has been slow and incomplete in primary healthcare (PHC), and little is known about the implementation challenges. This paper aims to assess the readiness of two PHC clinics in urban Brazil to integrate an intervention to strengthen their DV response. METHODS: We conducted 20 semi-structured interviews with health managers and health providers; a document analysis of VAW and DV policies from São Paulo and Brazil; and 2 structured facility observations. Data were analysed using thematic analysis. RESULTS: Findings from our readiness assessment revealed gaps in both current policy and practice needing to be addressed, particularly with regards to governance and leadership, health service organisation and health workforce. DV received less political recognition, being perceived as a lower priority compared to other health issues. Lack of clear guidance from the central and municipal levels emerged as a crucial factor that weakened DV policy implementation both by providers and managers. Furthermore, responses to DV lost visibility, as they were diluted within generic violence responses. The organizational structure of the PHC system in São Paulo, which prioritised the number of consultations and household visits as the main performance indicators, was an additional difficulty in legitimising healthcare providers' time to address DV. Individual-level challenges reported by providers included lack of time and knowledge of how to respond, as well as fears of dealing with DV. CONCLUSION: Assessing readiness is critical because it helps to evaluate what services and infrastructure are already in place, also identifying obstacles that may hinder adaptation and integration of an intervention to strengthen the response to DV before implementation.