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Le concept de valeur en sciences sociales a souffert d'une absence de consensus, que ce soit sur la définition des valeurs, sur leur contenu ou sur la structure des relations qu'elles entretiennent les unes avec les autres ; il a également souffert de l'absence de méthodes fiables permettant de mesurer les valeurs. Pour valider une théorie destinée à combler, du moins partiellement, cette lacune, cet article présente des données provenant de plus de soixante-dix pays et utilisant deux instruments de mesure différents. On traite ici des valeurs de base que les individus reconnaissent comme telles dans toutes les cultures. La théorie distingue dix valeurs de base différentes et décrit la dynamique des oppositions et des compatibilités entre elles. Cette dynamique détermine une structure des relations entre valeurs, structure commune à des groupes appartenant à des cultures différentes, ce qui conduit à penser qu'il existerait une organisation universelle des motivations humaines. Les individus, comme les groupes, se distinguent par les priorités qu'ils donnent à ces valeurs. On examine ici d'où proviennent les différences de priorité que les individus accordent aux valeurs, et les conséquences en termes d'attitudes et de comportements qui découlent de ces différences de priorités. On traite ainsi des processus qui influent sur les valeurs, et de ceux par lesquels elles influent sur l'action.

Abstract. Congruence between own and reference group values promotes life satisfaction. Does this effect extend to value congruence with others with whom one does not interact but who share socio-demographic characteristics? We constructed 36 socio-demographic categories in a representative Russian national sample (N = 961). Correlations of individuals' values with the mean value of their category indexed value congruence. Both a meta-analysis across the constructed groups and an individual level regression analysis confirmed a positive value congruence – life satisfaction effect. This effect held even when controlling for age, gender, education, religiosity, region, religion, and the 19 values on which the congruence score was based. Self-direction-action values moderated the effect: it was stronger the less important independence of action was to individuals.

The basic value priorities prevalent in Eastern Europe are studied in a cross‐national comparison. Analyses of the implications of adaptation to life circumstances under communist regimes lead to the hypotheses that East European samples are likely to attribute especially high importance to conservatism and hierarchy values and low importance to egalitarianism, intellectual and affective autonomy, and mastery values. The same hypotheses apply to differences between countries within Eastern Europe in which there was greater or lesser communist penetration. These hypotheses are largely supported with data both from samples of school teachers and of university students from nine Eastern European and 12 Western European countries. Various possible alternative explanations are discussed: national economic level, religion, earlier shared history, effects of totalitarianism, and distinctiveness of Western Europe.

Investigates how the fear of conventional and nuclear war relates to social values held; based on a survey of 183 Israeli and 400 German students, from the Hebrew University of Jerusalem, the Free University of Berlin, and the University of Technology Chemnitz-Zwickau, conducted in the Summer of 1994.

Hemos usado la teoría transcultural de los valores humanos desarrollada por Schwartz (1992a) para analizar y comparar la jeararquía de valores de diez países de Europa occidental con respecto a la importancia de los valores en un conjunto de países del resto del mundo. Hemos encontrado que el conjunto de naciones de Europa Occidental comparten un perfil único de valores que las distingue del resto de los países. Este perfil se caracteriza por la alta prioridad que atribuyen a los valores de compromiso igualitario, autonomía intelectual y armonía y por la baja prioridad que otorgan a los valores de jerarquía y conservación. Estos resultados son explicados acudiendo a algunos factores socio-estructurales, políticos y económicos, compartidos por estos países y que les diferencian de los demás.

We examined relations of the 10 types of values in Schwartz's (1992) theory of voting. Hypotheses were generated by relating the core motivations of each value type to the ideological messages conveyed by party policies and symbols. Eight parties that ran in the 1988 Israeli elections were arrayed by judges on three ideological dimensions: classical liberalism, economic egalitarianism, state and religion. Discriminant analyses yielded a function whose coefficients for value types corresponded to hypotheses for the state and religion dimension and ordered party supporters on this dimension. After dropping religious parties, another value‐based function ordered party supporters on the classical liberalism dimension, as predicted. Both functions significantly improved the party classification of voters in a representative national sample (N=769). Economic egalitarianism, a nonsalient dimension in Israeli politics, was unrelated to values. Results suggest that all types of values may be politically relevant depending on context.