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The phenomenon of numerous non-governmental organisations (NGOs) emerging and cooperating with local governments under China's one-party authoritarian regime has puzzled many observers. Moving beyond the debate on civil society and corporatism, this article seeks to explain why and how local governments and NGOs collaborate within a performance-based framework, arguing that performance-based decentralisation motivates local governments to collaborate with NGOs and that the performance-based empowerment determines how local governments and NGOs cooperate. Case studies drawn from Shanghai city and Ningbo city suggest that when local governments become aware that the performance of the NGOs can contribute to local development, they develop a strong desire to start the collaboration process and empower the NGOs: the better the performance of the NGOS, the more empowerment the NGOS are granted by local governments. In this article, improvements in the performance-based collaboration between local governments and NGOs are also discussed in the context of extending the role played by NGOs in Chinese society. (China/GIGA)

The heavy smog suffocating China's cities is increasingly being perceived as a threat by both the population and the authorities. Consequently, political action aiming at regulating ambient air pollution has become increasingly comprehensive and rigid in recent years. Even measures limiting consumption and production seem to become acceptable as China is facing an airpocalypse. Does this suggest a genesis of real "authoritarian environmentalism" (AE) in China? Taking this as a heuristic point of departure, we present findings from research on the implementation of air pollution control measures in Hangzhou city. We offer a critical examination of the concept of AE and, in particular, of local policy implementation strategies vis-à-vis the general public. Two measures in Hangzhou's air policy portfolio are analysed that reveal considerable variation: restrictions on the use of private cars and the (re)location of industrial facilities. Describing the conditions that have helped to produce different implementation strategies, we argue for different emphases in a potential Chinese model of AE. In a context where outcomes are sought at any cost, we observe more complexity and nuances than are usually captured by the AE concept.

AbstractThe heavy smog suffocating China's cities is increasingly being perceived as a threat by both the population and the authorities. Consequently, political action aiming at regulating ambient air pollution has become increasingly comprehensive and rigid in recent years. Even measures limiting consumption and production seem to become acceptable as China is facing an airpocalypse. Does this suggest a genesis of real "authoritarian environmentalism" (AE) in China? Taking this as a heuristic point of departure, we present findings from research on the implementation of air pollution control measures in Hangzhou city. We offer a critical examination of the concept of AE and, in particular, of local policy implementation strategies vis-à-vis the general public. Two measures in Hangzhou's air policy portfolio are analysed that reveal considerable variation: restrictions on the use of private cars and the (re)location of industrial facilities. Describing the conditions that have helped to produce different implementation strategies, we argue for different emphases in a potential Chinese model of AE. In a context where outcomes are sought at any cost, we observe more complexity and nuances than are usually captured by the AE concept.

Drawing on data from Zhejiang Province, this study explores China's collaborative response to COVID-19 in which business associations played a critical role. Consistent with existing literature on cross-sector collaboration and nonprofit contributions in extreme events, the preliminary findings of this study carry significant implications for future research to advance new knowledge. Specifically, two important next steps of future research that hold considerable promise—examining the overwhelming impact of the institutional environment on collaboration and accounting for the complex mechanisms in which multiple components of collaboration create outcomes through a configurational approach—emerged from this study. In addition, the practical implications of these findings are highlighted.

This research examines the effects of government funding on the service and advocacy roles of nonprofit organizations in China through a cross-regional comparison. Based on a nationwide survey of 2,058 nonprofits and in-depth interviews with 65 nonprofit executives from the same sample in 2013–2017, we find that a higher level of central government funding leads to stronger organizational capacity for service provision through leveraging matching funds and to more intensive administrative advocacy and media advocacy. Furthermore, a cross-regional comparison shows that, in contrast to those in nonwestern regions, nonprofit organizations with higher levels of central government funding in the western region engage in more administrative advocacy but less in media advocacy. Taken together, these findings highlight the importance of the government's leverage strategy and selective empowerment in shaping nonprofits' service and advocacy roles through government funding in China.

AbstractPolicy making in authoritarian regimes is assumed to be exclusive. The selective use of experts in China questions that assumption. Through three case studies from Hangzhou, Zhejiang province, we illustrate experts' functions in China. Local policy makers rely on them as science arbiters and to provide policy legitimization, just like their counterparts in the democracies of the Western world. They also have a function we call an "accountability facilitator," which highlights the uniqueness of expert involvement in China. These cases describe the benefits the Chinese government receives from experts and explain why it is willing to listen to the public in certain circumstances.Related ArticlesBryson, John R., Michael Taylor, and Peter W. Daniels. 2008. "Commercializing 'Creative' Expertise: Business and Professional Services and Regional Economic Development in the West Midlands, United Kingdom." Politics & Policy 36(2): 306–28. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1747‐1346.2008.00107.xNwalie, Martin Ike. 2019. "Advocacy Coalition Framework and Policy Changes in a Third‐World Country." Politics & Policy 47(3): 545–68. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12302Svallfors, Stefan. 2016. "Out of the Golden Cage: PR and the Career Opportunities of Policy Professionals." Politics & Policy 44(1): 56–73. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12149