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Titlepage -- Copyright -- Dedication -- Contents -- Acknowledgments -- Preface -- 1 Introduction -- 2 The Excesses of Individualism -- 3 Libertarians Misunderstand Liberty -- 4 Abuses of Financial Capitalism -- 5 Competition and Consumption -- 6 The Libertarian Disrespect for Labor -- 7 Labor Unions, Full Employment, and Industrial Democracy -- 8 Sustainability and Environment -- 9 The Catholic Concept of Property -- 10 Freedom of Contract -- 11 Justice, Charity, and Distribution -- 12 Free Trade and Fair Trade -- 13 The Role of Politics -- 14 Stability and Change -- 15 Ways Forward -- Notes

The New Far-Right is often equated with fascism within mainstream political discourse. Although there are fascistic elements of the far-right generally, the New Far-Right is typified by its adoption of liberal values and support of democracy. Some argue that this adoption of liberal values is a strategy to distance themselves from fascism, while others argue that their pro-liberal position is semi-liberal. This article aims to understand whether individuals within the British New Far-Right are strategically liberal or semi-liberal. Fifteen semi-structured interviews were conducted with three British New Far-Right groups. Using reflexive thematic analysis, three grievance-based themes were developed: Islam, COVID-19, and liberal values. While some narratives were nationalistic using liberal values to oppose Islam, others discussed liberal rights topics that were not related to nationalism. Supporting previous research, previously left-wing individuals were more likely to hold semi-liberal arguments, whereas previously right-wing individuals were more likely to be strategically liberal.

Following the Supreme Court's decision in Canada (Attorney General) v. Bedford to strike down criminal law provisions related to the regulation of sex work, the government passed Bill C-36, ultimately reaffirming the project of criminalizing prostitution. Also known as the Protection of Communities and Exploited Persons Act (PCEPA), Bill C-36 is part of a global trend that shifts the state's attention away from regulating sex work as a societal nuisance, and instead, puts forth a carceral agenda which situates sex workers as victims of an inherently exploitative and coercive sex trade – pivoting the punitive elements of criminal law onto clients and mythologized profiteers of the sex trade. Focusing on the testimonies of neo-abolitionists leading up to the implementation of Bill C-36, this article critically explores the ways sex work is constituted as a problem of 'trafficking' and how attachments to victimhood allow for renewed criminalization within this new regulatory framework.

This is a subject that has won battles, campaigns, and wars for those who respected and under­stood it; on the other hand, its neglect has brought superior forces to their knees. It is one of the most important subjects in the wide spectrum of military strategy, but also one of the least esteemed and most frequently overlooked.

Amid a political and media furore over EEA nationals' rights to claim social assistance benefits in the UK, this article sets out some recent changes to entitlement – amendments to the Habitual Residence Test, restrictions on entitlement to Housing Benefit, and the income threshold for relying on a right to reside as a worker – and considers the likely impact and legality of these changes.