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In Hungary, during 2010-2015 the growing xenophobic attitudes are noticed in the society, and right radical extremist groups gain power. The aim of the article is to identify the most significant factors that encourage xenophobia in Hungary. The types of right organizations and their electoral performance are determined. Our hypothesis is that the activity of right extremist organizations influences the formation of xenophobic social practices in Hungary. By means of factor analysis the author identified the main directions and forms of activity of right radicals, determined the value of socio-economic dynamics of Hungary, characterized the attitudes of society, the law and the ruling elite to the problems of xenophobia and right radicalism. Among the most influential factors we should name: open propaganda of nationalist ideas; constitutional priority to the interests of ethnic Hungarians; parliamentary membership of the Movement "For a Better Hungary"; condoning by the ruling elite, the courts and the police of the right radical activity. The paper presents the trend in the contemporary Hungary: the public demonstrates intolerance to right radicalism in cases of criminal behavior, but for the most part is loyal to its ideologies. Except for oppositional human rights organizations and ethnic communities, a significant part of Hungarian society often shows nearly complete indifference to the issues of xenophobia, racial and ethnic discrimination. The author described five groups of factors that stimulate the reproduction of xenophobic attitudes and practices among various groups of the population: "historical", institutional, socioeconomic, legal and political. The paper uses empirical data of public opinion polls conducted by leading research centers in Hungary, as well as statistical data of public authorities, civil society institutions.

This article analyses the Baltic policy of united Germany from the 1990s until today. The authors set out to identify the significance of German-Baltic relations and the role of the Eastern policy in RussianGerman relations. The method of dynamic comparison between the political and economic narrative in intergovernmental relations makes it possible to identify distinctive features of Germany's Baltic policy in the context of current international relations. In particular, it is noted that Germany was most active in the Baltic region in the 1990s, when the country was establishing political, economic, and cultural ties with the new independent states. In the second half of the 1990s, Germany's foreign policy became less intense. After the accession of Lithuania, Latvia, and Estonia to the EU and NATO in 2004, certain disagreements started to arise between Germany and the Baltics. It explains the lukewarm relations between them. The Ukraine events brought about a change in Germany's regional policy. Despite Russia remaining one of the key economic and political counteractors, Germany, being a partner of the Baltics in the EU and NATO, cannot adopt a neutral position in the conflict of interests between the Baltics and Russia.

The authors describe the impact of administrative reforms on the electoral volatility in the Warmia and Mazury voivodeship of Poland. The administrative reforms resulted in the formation of a new territorial organization of power. Using three large administrative units of Poland as an example, the authors analyse the experience of the formation of a geographic region by merging several politically diverse territories. The merger took place in a changing political environment. It inevitably affected the strategy and tactics of the development of local self-governance. The formation of the region has been going on in such a manner that differences in the electoral preferences and political behaviour of the urban population (the regional metropolis) and the periphery remain unchanged. Having performed the index analysis and a comparative analysis of the electoral data, the authors conclude that the consistency of administrative decisions on the formation of the region and the electoral performance have been weakening over time. During the initial phase, the electoral volatility was mainly due to the sluggishness and inertia of the previous territorial organization. After the phase of stabilization, the electoral volatility indices in different geographical areas changed due to a combination of social and political factors. The authors show that the 'looseness' of the Polish party system affect the electoral volatility in the region more than institutional decisions of the administrative reforms.

The issue of international positioning is crucial to all exclaves, and the Kaliningrad region surrounded by the Baltic region countries is no exception. This contribution aims to describe a general strategic path for positioning the Russian territory in question. To produce recommendations on a positioning concept, it looks at the ties between the Kaliningrad region and the neighbouring Baltic States and how the former is perceived by the latter. Publication monitoring and media content analysis were carried out to explore the image created in the Latvian, Lithuanian and Estonian media in recent years. Avenues for positioning are proposed in line with the principles of place branding, and the interests common to the region and the Baltic States are considered through the lens of international cooperation projects. The emphasis is on the prospects for trade relations development. The main advantages of the region are identified, and the risks to be reckoned with when forming a positioning concept are determined. The findings suggest that strategic positioning is feasible in the case of the Kaliningrad region; its focal points may be investment, logistics, tourism and infrastructure. The authors also stress the possibility of developing international cooperation platforms and indicate regional problems of international concern.

The article reveals the problems of the influence of ethno-territorial factors on electoral behavior in the Baltic states. Particular attention is paid to the issues of settlement, the formation of local ethnicities and the related effects of ethnic voting, changes, and sustainability of electoral preferences. The article analyzes a vast array of statistical data on the ethnic structure of individual administrative units of the Baltic states, on the results of elections and the development of ethno-political processes in Latvia, Lithuania, and Estonia. Based on formalized criteria, an initial working typology of ethnicities is proposed with their division into perfect, imperfect and areas of relative ethnic parity. Considerable attention is paid to revealing the assumption about the uneven manifestation of ethnic voting, even in ethnic groups close in their ethno-demographic characteristics. As the analysis deepens and checks the initial provisions on the longevity of ethnicities, the stability and volatility of electoral preferences, the correlation between ethnic settlement and ethnic voting, the authors come to clarify the working typology by ranking the Baltic ethnicities according to the influence of ethno-territorial factors on electoral processes. Based on the study of individual practices of political subjects in the development of ethnic localities, an attempt was made to schematize the foundations of the ethno-territorial differentiation of the Baltic states. In conclusion, the essence of the uneven influence of ethno-territorial factors is revealed, a refined typology of ethnicities in the Baltic states is proposed, considering several indicators.

The authors describe the impact of administrative reforms on the electoral volatility in the Warmia and Mazury voivodeship of Poland. The administrative reforms resulted in the formation of a new territorial organization of power. Using three large administrative units of Poland as an example, the authors analyse the experience of the formation of a geographic region by merging several politically diverse territories. The merger took place in a changing political environment. It inevitably affected the strategy and tactics of the development of local self-governance. The formation of the region has been going on in such a manner that differences in the electoral preferences and political behaviour of the urban population (the regional metropolis) and the periphery remain unchanged. Having performed the index analysis and a comparative analysis of the electoral data, the authors conclude that the consistency of administrative decisions on the formation of the region and the electoral performance have been weakening over time. During the initial phase, the electoral volatility was mainly due to the sluggishness and inertia of the previous territorial organization. After the phase of stabilization, the electoral volatility indices in different geographical areas changed due to a combination of social and political factors. The authors show that the 'looseness' of the Polish party system affect the electoral volatility in the region more than institutional decisions of the administrative reforms.

Introduction. The foreign policy of modern Hungary has passed through several stages of development since the fall of socialism. The purpose of this article is to clarify the qualitative characteristics of the points of evolution that have determined the content of Hungarian foreign policy. Today, it is not enough to define the image of Hungarian foreign policy solely in terms of pan-European or North Atlantic solidarity. A more careful and thoughtful study of the dynamics of the foreign policy doctrine of Budapest is required. Methods and Materials. Our main task is to clarify the periodization of the process of Hungary's foreign policy development. The proposed periodization is carried out in a complex manner, based on several reasons and correlating their influence on each of the allocated time periods. The information array was composed of news for April 2010 – August 2022, based on a digest of news from Hungarian news agencies. Analysis. The author identifies five main periods in the development of Hungary's foreign policy: the transitional period; the imperative period; the period of Euro-Atlantic romanticism; the period of seeking regional balance; and the period of Euroscepticism and Easternization. Each of these periods is characterized by an assessment of the conceptual content of international politics, the continuity of the foreign policy course, and the change in emphasis of the current policy. Results. Obviously, the current period of development is nearing its end, and in the medium term, Hungarian foreign policy itself will take the form of several relatively balanced concentric circles in the process of forming a polycentric world. At the same time, the European and American orientations will continue to be of paramount importance for Hungary. The growing inertia of the decline in the intensity of Russian-Hungarian relations seems to be the main characteristic of the interaction between the two countries.