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This article reviews the case of the oft-claimed 'crisis of parties' in Portugal, and argues that such controversy rests at least in part on 'ambiguous' evidence. We will try to answer three fundamental questions: (1) how do Portuguese citizens view and evaluate
political parties? (2) What are the sources of public support for political parties in Portugal? And (3) why does anti-party rhetoric resonate with some citizens, but not others? The analysis of empirical data allows the following conclusions. First, citizens' attitudes towards the parties
have a multi-dimensional nature, so it is possible to distinguish two key dimensions conceptually and empirically: diffuse support and specific support for parties. Second, the two types of public support for parties have different sources at the individual level. Third, in the eyes of the
Portuguese citizen, parties became a kind of 'necessary evil', being criticised for 'what they actually do' and supported for 'what they are supposed to do'.

"A transnational history of corporatism-a "third path" between capitalism and communism-centered on mid-twentieth century Brazil. Following the First World War, there was a widespread feeling that the unchecked free-market competition had given rise to financial crisis, social unrest, and chronic underdevelopment. With people and governments across the world looking for an alternative to laissez-faire capitalism, Brazil took a central role in experimenting with a "third path" between capitalism and communism: corporatism. Remaking Capitalism: A Global History of Corporatism in Brazil, 1920s-1960s argues that corporatism transformed the Brazilian state into an agent of economic development, and it explains why it matters that this transformation was engineered under an authoritarian regime. Melissa Teixeira incorporates wide-ranging legal, economic, and cultural sources to document the process of state-building from the perspective of government ministries and grocery markets alike from 1917 to the 1950s. During the Getulio Vargas regime (1930-45), especially, the state took an unprecedented role in controlling social pressures and economic growth via wage and price agencies, labor tribunals and technical councils. Teixeira looks beyond categorical authoritarianism to explain how corporatism constituted an early experiment with the mixed economy as a path to development, combining state planning with a market economy. Corporatism, she shows, generated a model of development dependent on uneven and unequal citizenship, in which economic interests-and not individuals-organized and petitioned through the state. With Brazil at the center of this story of economic experimentation, Remaking Capitalism centers the Global South in the longer history of the production of economic thought. Drawing comparisons with the United States, Italy, and Portugal, Teixeira offers a transnational history of this important interwar attempt to create a third way between capitalism and communism."

"The left is likely to dominate the 21st century, and there is little the right can do about this except adapt. This seems counter-intuitive in light of the modest success the left has enjoyed since the great financial crisis of 2008-09. Though Democrats have done well in recent presidential elections, progressives have found themselves unable to move their most important policies forward, suffering through an endless series of battles with a determined and extreme Republican party. This has only been exacerbated by stunning Republican gains in recent congressional elections. But this short-sighted perspective overemphasizes the role of crisis and underestimates the role of long-term fundamental change. Ruy Teixeira's The Optimistic Leftist takes a look at the structural and economic shifts remaking advanced societies and shows that the left is in a far better position to advance its agenda than the right. Eventually, the right will be forced to play on the left's terms to be competitive. This is because only the left has growing, not declining, coalitional strength and only the left is willing to confront and solve capitalism's "Piketty problem" (a vicious cycle of rising inequality, stagnating living standards and slowing economic growth) by building a new equitable-growth "opportunity state."-

Die Arbeit behandelt die normativen Grundlagen der Strafzumessungsdogmatik. Nachdem die Unzulänglichkeiten der herkömmlichen Strafzumessungstheorien (vor allem der herrschenden Spielraumtheorie) aufgezeigt werden, wendet sich die Arbeit der neueren Tatproportionalitätstheorie zu. In Auseinandersetzung mit der am Tatproportionalitätsgedanken geübten Kritik wird dieser auf andere Grundlagen zurückgeführt, nämlich auf das Schuldprinzip und das Gesetzlichkeitsprinzip. Schließlich werden die Konsequenzen dieser Neuorientierung gezogen, insbesondere für die Frage, die sich jeder konsequenten tatproportionalen Strafzumessungslehre aufdrängt, nämlich das Problem des Vor- und Nachtatverhaltens des Täters bzw. der Rückfallschärfung. The work deals with the normative foundations of sentencing dogmatics. After the shortcomings of the conventional sentencing theories are pointed out (especially the ruling Spielraumtheorie), the work is devoted to the Theory of Proportionate Punishment (Tatproportionalitätstheorie). In dealing with the criticism practiced at the idea of proportionate punishment, this theory is established on the basis of the principle of legality and of the principle of culpability. The consequences of this new approach are considered, in particular for the question that every consistent doctrine of proportionate punishment imposes itself, namely the problem of the consistent treatment of recidivism.

"Analyzes effects of the increase in minorities, younger residents, educational levels, and urbanization on the traditionally Republican politics of six states in the Mountain West, comparing changes in voting patterns from 1988 to 2008. Discusses possible ramifications of those changes and the 2010 mid-term elections on the 2012 presidential election"--Provided by publisher