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The Brexit vote has thrown different conceptions of democracy into sharp relief. Some are horrified at the conduct of the referendum campaign; others see the result as the revealed will of the people. Luke Temple uses tweets from the March for Europe event on 3 September to show how these views clash. He concludes that the pro-EU movement needs a clear aim if it's to make any headway. Simply calling for a delay in invoking Article 50 is not enough.

The declining legitimacy of political parties has become something of a truism in political science discourse. Less often reflected upon is how these legitimacy problems could potentially be resolved. This article contributes to this underexplored issue by examining the restorative potential of expertise as a supplement to intra-party democracy. Building on an established literature on Stealth Democracy, we explore the potential for expert-inspired reforms to boost citizens' satisfaction with parties. Using original survey questions, we provide evidence that a perceived lack of expert engagement in parties predicts citizen dissatisfaction, before using deliberative workshop data to distil traits that define the appeal of experts and expertise. This mixed-methods approach allows us to demonstrate some common desires of which parties should be aware, but also traits that make these ideas difficult to realise. Combining these insights, we argue that while expertise has appeal, parties face considerable challenges in satisfying citizens' desires.

Over recent decades, scholars have explored political parties' adoption of digital technology. Tracing successive eras of change, scholarship has examined the degree to which digital disrupts or embeds traditional power structures—with many studies finding evidence of 'controlled-interactivity'. In this article, we revisit debates around the adoption of digital tools from a bottom-up perspective. Moving beyond attempts to categorise elite strategies for digital adoption, we consider practices on the ground to document how, in practice, digital technology is being taken up and used. Using a case study of the UK Labour Party, we categorise a range of different practices, highlighting and theorising the presence of digital adherents, laggards, entrepreneurs, renegades and refuseniks. Discussing the drivers of these practices, we offer new insight into variations in digital adoption and consider the significance of these trends for our understanding of party organisation.

In this paper we analyse whether relative deprivation has divergent effects on different types of social and political action. We expect that it will depress volunteering with parties as well as different types of conventional political participation more generally while stimulating volunteering with anti-cuts organisations and engagement in various kinds of protest activism. There is little research into how relative deprivation impacts on different types of social and political action from the wide range of activities available to citizens in contemporary democracies as well as into how this relationship might vary based on the wider economic context. While many studies construct scales, we examine participation in specific activities and associations, such as parties or anti-cuts organisations, voting, contacting, demonstrating and striking to show that deprivation has divergent effects that depart from what is traditionally argued. We apply random effects models with cross-level interactions utilizing an original cross-national European dataset collected in 2015 (N = 17,667) within a collaborative funded-project. We show that a negative economic context has a mobilizing effect by both increasing the stimulating effect of relative deprivation on protest activism as well as by closing or reversing the gap between resource-poor and resource-rich groups for volunteering with parties and voting.

Using political claims analysis on 1,000 articles from five national newspapers (Daily Mail, The Sun, The Times, The Guardian, and Daily Mirror), this article demonstrates that press coverage of the financial crisis, recession, and austerity in the United Kingdom between 2007‐14 drew heavily on a neoliberal discourse. Political, market, and civil society actors discussed the impact of hard times on people using a reductionist neoliberal narrative, framing people as "economic actors" and consistently underplaying any social or political traits. By examining communicative, rather than coordinative, discourse this research expands the focus of previous studies which have examined the embeddedness of ideology in society, and highlights potential links to studies of citizen participation and mobilization.Related Articles in this Special Issue

Cinalli, Manlio, and
Marco Giugni. 2016. "" Politics & Policy 44 (): 427–446. http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/polp.12159/abstract


Giugni, Marco, and
Maria T. Grasso. 2016. "." Politics & Policy 44 (): 447–472. http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/polp.12157/abstract


English, Patrick,
Maria T. Grasso,
Barbara Buraczynska,
Sotirios Karampampas, and
Luke Temple. 2016. "." Politics & Policy 44 (): 577–603. http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/polp.12160/abstract
Related Media
. 2015. "Neoliberalism's Stealth Revolution ‐ Interview with Wendy Brown." https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=sUGSjd_OoQ0

. 2016. "Words Matter: Deconstructing 'Welfare Dependency' in the UK – Paul Michael Garrett." http://blogs.lse.ac.uk/politicsandpolicy/%EF%BB%BFwords-matter-deconstructing-welfare-dependency-in-the-uk/

Since the 1980s, Britain's two largest political parties have been converging ever closer on the political spectrum, in line with a Downsian model of two party majoritarian systems. While both Labour and the Conservatives have been moving toward consensus, we investigate the extent to which the recent financial crisis, understood as a critical juncture, interrupted this movement. Using a "fuzzy set" ideal type analysis with claims‐making data, we assess whether or not we can detect any signs of this consensus breaking down as a result of the crisis and the events which followed. Our results show that despite this most critical event, consensus was maintained as we found both parties adopting very similar framing and narrating strategies on the economic crisis in their public discourse. The study concludes that the shared discursive framing and narrating between both parties on the crisis demonstrates a continued Thatcherite, neoliberal consensus in British politics.Related Articles in this Special Issue

Temple, Luke,
Maria T. Grasso,
Barbara Buraczynska,
Sotirios Karampampas, and
Patrick English. 2016. ." Politics & Policy 44 (): 553–576. http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/polp.12161/abstract


Giugni, Marco, and
Maria T. Grasso. 2016. "." Politics & Policy 44 (): 447–472. http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/polp.12157/abstract


Lahusen, Christian,
Maria Kousis,
Johannes Kiess, and
Maria Paschou. 2016. "." Politics & Policy 44 (): 525–552. http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/polp.12162/abstract
Related MediaITV News. 2011. "Conservative Party Conference: Cameron's Debt Promise." YouTube. https://youtu.be/vJ9RfDr6DVgFinancial Times. 2014. "Miliband Toughens Stance on Deficit." YouTube. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ZVY0t_FSN4s