The reasons and implications of Brexit in Wales
In: Zeszyty Naukowe Uniwersytetu Szczecińskiego. Acta Politica, Volume 43, p. 39-49
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In: Zeszyty Naukowe Uniwersytetu Szczecińskiego. Acta Politica, Volume 43, p. 39-49
Individual and group transborder cooperation of the Western Pomeranian Province with other South Baltic regions is in line with a pan-European trend of regional authorities becoming independent and participating in international relations as independent entities. This 'paradiplomacy' is undoubtedly a factor that contributes to the relativization of the state as a traditional arena of political activity. Simultaneously, as the subsidiarity principle, which is the foundation of EU regional policy, is becoming increasingly popular, it seems unavoidable and irreversible that regional structures will be vested with increasing powers in the realm of foreign policy (that used to be reserved for national organs exclusively). In this context the collaboration of the Western Pomeranian Province with other South Baltic regions is only at the beginning of a potential process to form its own 'paradiplomacy' as it remains constricted in the formula of state limitation and supervision. Therefore, at present it is unfeasible for Polish regional authorities, including the self-government of Western Pomerania, to conduct independent 'paradiplomacy.'
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In: Przegląd europejski: European review, Issue Tom 1, p. 131-141
ISSN: 2657-6023
Article describes Welsh authorities attempt to enhance their political position (achieved as a result of the devolution reform) as some sort of compensation for the Brexit negative impact on economic and social development of the region. The conception created by Carwyn Jones' Government could not been presented as an alternative to focusing autonomous processes on gaining independence, because of Welsh people lack of interest of the latter solution. As an effect it has been completely ignored by the national authorities. Inability to implement the Scottish model of political emancipation (in the context of step-by-step exception of the European Union regional policy mechanisms in the United Kingdom) has become a factor stimulating real re-Britisation of Wales process
In: Zeszyty Naukowe Uniwersytetu Szczecińskiego. Acta Politica, Volume 45, p. 49-58
In: Zeszyty Naukowe Uniwersytetu Szczecińskiego. Acta Politica, Volume 39, p. 91-99
In: Athenaeum: polskie studia politologiczne, Volume 50, Issue 2, p. 134-148
In: Athenaeum: polskie studia politologiczne, Volume 45, Issue 1, p. 101-119
In: Polish Political Science Yearbook, Volume 49, Issue 4, p. 153-165
In: Reality of politics: estimates - comments - forecasts, Volume 5, Issue 1, p. 122-138
Eastern European immigrants coming to the UK since 2004 (in 2/3 from Poland) by their amount of work have concurred to serious growth of the GDP. But simultaneously they have been burden for British welfare system (among others by taking benefits for family members living outside the UK) and taking job even for minimum salary what have caused growth of native British unemployment. In this situation Conservative-Liberal Government leading by David Cameron have decided to limit an access to the UK labour market by language knowledge tests and tightening social benefits policy to job seekers. With informal support of main opposition parties (i.e. the Labour Party and the UKIP) D. Cameron have taken risky game showing he has been able to fight for his nation's interests even in spite of huge protests of Polish and other Eastern European countries politicians and against the European Parliament resolution of 16 January 2014. But when turning out into a defender of Britons' rights he also has showed that there have been deep divisions between "old" and "new" Europe still after 10 years of the EU's biggest enlargement in 2004.
In: Polish Political Science Yearbook, Volume 45, Issue 1, p. 353-366
ISSN: 0208-7375
The Welsh identity is undisputable in national (i.e. ethnic), social, cultural and even economic dimensions however it is doubtful in political sphere because vast majority of the Welsh still cannot decide if they are more Welsh or British. The 'double identity' dilemma was visible especially during devolution referendums voting in 1979, 1997 and 2011 when non–political motives were often much more determinative then the factor of belonging to the Welsh community in political meaning. Thus, answering to the question about devolution referendum role in shaping political dimension of Welshness requires thoroughly analyse of the mentioned referendums results as an evident figures of public support for establishing legal and institutional guarantees of maintaining and developing all aspects of national identity. In the article has been contained description how the Welsh relations to the idea of self–determination (in frames of the wide internal autonomy) have changed by last 35 years. An author shows also barriers and factors fostering this process.