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A topic of long-standing interest in racial attitudes research is whites' support for principles of racial equality on one hand coupled with their intransigence on policies designed to redress that inequality on the other. Much has been written on possible explanations of this "principle-policy gap" and what the gap reveals about the state of contemporary American race relations. In this article, the authors provide an update and partial replication of their 1996 study of whites' views of racial policies in what has been referred to as our post-racial society. Using both General Social Survey and American National Election Survey data, the authors assess the current state of whites' racial policy attitudes and the factors that shape those attitudes and consider whether any meaningful change has occurred in recent decades. Among the explanations of the principle-policy gap that the authors examine, one stands out as especially powerful: racial resentment, a variant of stratification ideology that focuses on the role of racial individualism in shaping white resistance to meaningful policy change. Moreover, the authors find no evidence that whites' racial policy views have changed since the 1980s.

A topic of long-standing interest in racial attitudes research is whites' support for principles of racial equality on one hand coupled with their intransigence on policies designed to redress that inequality on the other. Much has been written on possible explanations of this "principle-policy gap" and what the gap reveals about the state of contemporary American race relations. In this article, the authors provide air update and partial replication of their 1996 study of whites' views of racial policies in what has been referred to as our post-racial society. Using both General Social Survey and American National Election Survey data, the authors assess the current state of 'whites' racial policy attitudes and the factors that shape those attitudes and consider whether any meaningful change has occurred in recent decades. Among the explanations of the principle-policy gap that the authors examine, one stands out as especially powerful: racial resentment, a variant of stratification ideology that focuses on the role of racial individualism in shaping white resistance to meaningful policy change. Moreover, the authors find no evidence that whites' racial policy views have changed since the 1980s. [Reprinted by permission of Sage Publications Inc., copyright The American Academy of Political and Social Science.]

While the literature has extensively documented popular discontent with various types of police misconduct, little is known about popular support for corrective measures. Such information, however, would be valuable for public policy and has the potential to enhance public confidence in the police. This article, using data from a recent national survey, reports public attitudes toward several specific reforms in policing. Findings indicate, first, that race is a predictor. Blacks and Hispanics are the most supportive of reform. Second, support for reform is strongly affected by the perceived frequency of police misconduct in one's city and neighborhood and by exposure to media reports of police misconduct. Respondents who believe that police corruption, unwarranted stops, and verbal and physical abuse of citizens are common are more likely to favor reforms. The same is true for those who are frequently exposed to news media coverage of incidents of police misconduct. The findings are consistent with the group‐position theory of race relations.

Racial profiling by the police has become an increasingly controversial issue in recent years, but we know little about the extent of the problem and even less about public perceptions of profiling. This article analyzes recent national survey data on citizens' views of racial profiling. We find that both race and personal experience with profiling are strong predictors of attitudes toward profiling and that, among blacks, social class affects views of the prevalence and acceptability of the practice. The findings on social class point to the need for further investigation and explanation of class influences on evaluations of the police.

Reports trend data on attitudes toward the police before & after celebrated incidents of police brutality. Employing 1977-1997 questionnaire data from polls conducted by the Los Angeles (CA) Times, which drew data from the locale of the brutality incidents, & from national data, 1973-1996, from various other sources -- eg, Gallup polls, the New York Times, & general social surveys -- it is found that public support for the police declines, often dramatically, following such an incident. This effect is stronger & of longer duration for African Americans & Latinos than for whites, reflecting persistent racial & ethnic disparities in perceptions of the police. For all groups, however, the level of support for the police eventually returns to its preincident level. 1 Appendix, 10 References. Modified AA