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During the last few years of the 19th century and the beginning of the 20th, the most important representatives of poetic modernismo, which at the time had Buenos Aires as its main centre, follow diverging political paths. While Darío, after the Cuban War, embarks on a path to be reunited with Spain-which will lead him to be reappraised by the writers of the Spanish Generation of '98, who had previously attacked his Francophilia-, Lugones progressively adopts a more radical nationalist turn, which will lead to the strong assertion of the Argentine uniqueness in the works published between the centennials of the May Revolution [1910] and of the Independence [1916]. This paper intends to reconstruct part of the intellectual field of the period in order to trace some of its fundamental lines of force ; Durante los últimos años del siglo XIX y principios del XX los más importantes representantes del modernismo poético, que por entonces tenía su sede principal en Buenos Aires, toman caminos políticos divergentes. Mientras Darío, tras la guerra de Cuba, emprende una vía de reencuentro con España -que lo llevará a ser revalorizado por los escritores del Noventa y ocho español, que antes habían atacado su afrancesamiento-, Lugones irá radicalizando su giro nacionalista, hasta terminar en la fuerte afirmación de la especificidad argentina en los libros publicados entre los centenarios de la Revolución de Mayo [1910] y de la Independencia [1916]. Este trabajo busca reconstruir parte del campo intelectual del periodo para seguir algunas de sus líneas de fuerza fundamentales

La economía se presenta a menudo como la ciencia social más madura y exacta, capaz de orientar acciones, realizar pronósticos, explicar el pasado. Todo ello de una manera, si no impecable, sí satisfactoria a grandes rasgos. Ya lo dijo Popper de manera poco cautelosa: "El éxito de la Economía Matemática muestra que por lo menos una ciencia social ha pasado por su revolución newtoniana" (Popper, 1957, 74). También goza la economía de buenas referencias en lo que atañe a su genealogía y tradición intelectual: algunas de sus máximas tienen un respetable pedigrí de más de dos siglos. Por otra parte, sus argumentaciones más preciadas suelen presentarse en la alta sociedad académica vestidas con formalismos matemáticos aparatosos, cuando no espectaculares. A primera vista parece, pues, hallarse en un estado muy saludable, bien orientada en cuanto a bases y perspectivas. Luego no es de extrañar que sea motivo de envidia y de imitación por parte de investigadores de campos vecinos que también aspiran a entender cómo funcionan los seres humanos en sociedad.El resultado final es un texto un tanto híbrido, a medio camino entre el ensayo de divulgación y las notas de clase. De todos modos, aunque sus objetivos sean modestos en lo que se refiere a rigor y originalidad, confío en que cumpla en alguna medida el cometido asignado, a saber, sugerir e incluso provocar. Deseo puntualizar, por último, que algunas de las ideas aquí expuestas se hallan argumentadas de forma más sistemática y cuidada en el artículo "Teoría económica y enfoque de la reproducción" (in Febrero, ed., Qué es la economía, Madrid, Pirámide, 1997, págs. 241-269), así como en mis libros Filosofía de la economía (Barcelona, Icaria, 1992) y Economía política radical (Madrid, Síntesis, 1998).

Many Western citizens feel disenchanted with the economic policy that has been practiced in recent decades. Not only have they not helped to solve their daily problems, but they have aggravated them, increasing inequality, the lack of good jobs and the absence of opportunities. The consequence is that capitalism has stopped working for the benefit of all. This essay analyzes the causes of this derailment of capitalism. The need to build a new social contract for a more effective and equitable democratic economic policy in its results is sustained. The polycrisis we are experiencing opens a window of opportunity for that social contract. It is concluded that when economists offer policies to improve things they should pay more attention to political consent.

This article aims at showing why the political project that Paul-B. Preciado calls «counter-sexual» clashes on principle with the political project of feminism. By counter-sexuality Preciado means the production of fictions and enjoyments that invert, subvert or recombine the fictions of the hegemonic heteronormative system, while by sexuality feminism –together with the World Health Organization– understands the vital and creative energy irreducible to socio-political or biological determinations. The current analysis will be strictly philosophical and will attempt to expose the radical incompatibility between the socio-linguistic antirealism of queer theories, constructivist in terms of gender and relativist on ethical-political matters, and the material neo-realism of feminism, articulated by complex, interactive, and integrated paradigms

This paper investigates the role of civil society (CS) in relation to issues of global concern, such as the current COVID-19 pandemic. In particular, it focuses on the role of CS in the BRICS countries (Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa). Western CS has, over time, shown certain limitations that have exposed it to a number of criticisms, while in BRICS, CS could begin to play a decisive role as a "historical bloc," using Gramsci's expression. In fact, BRICS has repeatedly reiterated that it wants to reshape global governance (GG), and indeed its current growth has shown that it could effectively do so. Therefore, it is worth analyzing what role CS plays in this process. This analysis leads to an understanding of the many advances, and also the diverse limitations, that characterize the effectiveness of the work of CS in the BRICS countries. Thus, CS's ability to be decisive in policymaking remains unclear. The argument in this paper proceeds as follows: some classical theories on CS are analyzed, highlighting the ethical tasks in which CS should be engaged; then, criticisms directed toward western CS are debated. Finally, the limitations and potential that CS has in the BRICS countries is considered, above all in light of the recent response to COVID-19. The conclusions highlight the fact that, if the BRICS countries want to play a leading role in GG and, broadly speaking, in future multilateralism, CS must play a decisive role within them. Specifically, a solid cooperation, or even a stable alliance, is needed between the civil societies of BRICS countries in order to address pressing issues and demands coming from the Global South.