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This article explores the challenges which emanate from the discourse of reconciliation in Zimbabwe as it relates to the Gukurahundi atrocities of the post-independence Zimbabwean era. Since most of the efforts to address this nation's ugly past have been inϐluenced mainly by cultural (African) and religious (Christian) concepts such as the Bantu concept of Ubuntu and the Christian religion approach to conϐlict resolution which is based on the "forgive and forget" concept, this article will critique these concepts, demonstrating their unviability in bringing reconciliation in Zimbabwe. The article argues that without legal frameworks which can facilitate justice as a primary vehicle to reconciliation, the cultural and religious approaches may not make much impact in reconciliation efforts in Zimbabwe. For instance, it is not clear how the cultural concept of Ubuntu/ Unhu should be implemented to establish a formal and structured way of dealing with the issue of Gukurahundi. Among other issues of concern, the "forgive and forget" approach also poses its own problems, one of them being a too simple and casual approach to a much disturbing issue which has affected thousands of lives up to this day. With the aid of an example of how the post-World War II West Germany under the leadership of Willy Brandt addressed the issue of reconciliation and the history of holocaust, this article argues that justice should be the primary vehicle of the transition to reconciliation. Keywords: Gukurahundi, Zimbabwe, Ubuntu, conflict resolution

In this article it is argued that the re-organisation of the Roman military by Marius prepared the way for the following civil wars and dictatorships rather than the inherent failures of the republican constitution. This paper sketches the socio-political context of Cicero's life and holds that this last republican left an important theoretical body of legal work besides his court work. Cicero's moral philosophy is reflected in his belief in natural law and his staunch partisanship for the power of good faith in Roman law.

In response to the COVID-19 pandemic, many governments opted to use agile methodologies to tackle various challenges. Policymakers did not follow the normal protocol of policymaking and governance; instead, they adopted a more agile policymaking process that deploys agile approaches such as policy labs, policy prototyping, policy stimulus and digital-ready policies. In addition, health scientists were primarily responsible for most of the policies adopted during the pandemic. This was a major change in the policy arena. All these changes gave birth to what is currently known as "agile governance". Although not new, this form of governance has taken the world by storm, especially during the pandemic. While other regions across the world have routed for agile governance, it is not clear where Africa stands in this debate. This paper, therefore, assesses Africa's readiness for the so-called "agile governance" as the new normal. Drawing from a qualitative desktop research based on an extensive literature review and a content analysis. The study findings reveal that the future and adoption of agile governance in Africa appear bleak. Unless some changes are implemented, Africa may continue to trail behind Europe and other world regions. This is because there are still many deterrents, such as a lack of efficient leadership, the bureaucracy dilemma, the skills gap, and the legislative challenge that the continent must deal with before even thinking of becoming agile. To remedy these challenges, we conclude that African governments adapt to change by employing flexible action plans like adopting a flexible blueprint to guide agile governance strategies; innovation; streamlining bureaucracies; reskilling current public servants, and creating agile mindsets. Keywords: Agility, Agile governance; Agile policymaking; Agile manifesto