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Cover -- Title -- Copyright -- Contents -- Introduction -- 1 Sources of Messianism and pragmatism -- 2 The rise and fall of Nikita S. Khrushchev -- 3 Up the down staircase: the era of Leonid Brezhnev -- The defeat that turned into success -- The Middle East in Soviet military strategy -- A semi-victory turned into defeat -- Sliding downhill -- Lost opportunities -- The human dimension -- 4 "Ardent revolutionaries, loyal friends" -- the USSR and the Communist movement -- 5 An exotic flower of Arabia -- 6 Through the looking glass, or the decision-making process -- Quadrangle: Ministry of Foreign Affairs – International Department of the Central Committee – State Security Committee – Ministry of Defence -- Personalities in big politics -- Diplomats: Their pluses, minuses, capabilities -- 7 Afghanistan: Russia's unhealed wound -- "Cannot lose Afghanistan" -- "History gives no answer" -- The logic of the fateful decision -- Seeking a solution -- 8 Messianism in decline: the time of Mikhail Gorbachev -- 9 Foreign policy and domestic policy: the USSR, Israel and the Palestinians -- 10 Storms in alien deserts -- 11 Cursed Nineties -- Ignore not interfere . . . -- The Madrid process and the fate of the "mother of all conflicts" -- Russia–Israel: "Friendship" with reservations -- The minefields of Iraq -- Turkey: a privileged trade partner -- Difficult movement towards each other -- A desirable partner -- 12 To return, but how? -- The attempts to keep Iraq as a partner -- The years and the fruit of real pragmatism: Russian-Turkish relations -- "A good neighbour, but neighbours are not chosen": the Russian Federation and Iran -- Afghanistan: far, but in some ways close -- Russia and the countries of the Arabian Peninsula: certain progress -- A partnership but not an alliance (Russia and Egypt in the 2000s)

Cover -- Title page -- Copyright page -- Contents -- Panel 1. AFRICA IN THE SITUATION OF GLOBAL CLIMATE CHANGE -- Panel 2. AFRICA IN THE SYSTEM OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS. THE RUSSIAN-AFRICAN BILATERAL RELATIONS -- Panel 3. AFRICAN DIASPORAS: EVOLUTION OVER TIME AND SPACE -- Panel 4. AFRICAN HISTORY IN AFRICAN STUDIES IN OUR COUNTRY -- Panel 5. BRIC'S AFRICAN AGENDA -- Panel 6. THE CIVILIZATIONAL PARADIGM OF WORLD ORDER AND AFRICA -- Panel 7. CONFLICTS IN AFRICA FROM THE STANDPOINT OF THE END OF THE "COLD WAR": BACKGROUND, MAJOR TYPES AND EFFECTS -- Panel 8. CULTURAL-HISTORICAL CONTEXT OF DEVELOPMENT FROM THE STANDPOINT OF THE GUIDELINES OF SOCIAL EVOLUTION -- Panel 9. GENDER AND STATE POLICY IN AFRICA IN THE 21ST CENTURY: NEW TENDENCIES AND PERSPECTIVES -- Panel 10. INFORMATION, EDUCATION AND LINGUISTIC POLICY IN AFRICA FROM THE STANDPOINT OF GLOBALIZATION AND REGIONALIZATION -- Panel 11. INTERACTION BETWEEN LITERATURE, CULTURE AND AFRICAN DIASPORAS: STAGES, TENDENCIES AND PERSPECTIVES -- Panel 12. ISLAMIC CHALLENGE TO CONTEMPORARY WORLD ORDER: FROM CIVILIZATIONAL IDENTITY TO GLOBA LCALIPHATE? EXPERIENCE OF REGIONS IN THE MUSLIM WORLD -- Panel 13. LANGUAGE IN THE CONTEXT OF CHANGING SOCIO-CULTURAL PARADIGMS IN AFRICA -- Panel 14. THE MIDDLE EAST AND NORTH AFRICA: MODERNIZATION IN A GLOBALIZING WORLD -- Panel 15. PEACE AGREEMENTS AND CONSOLIDATION OF POLITICAL ORDER IN AFRICA -- Panel 16. RELIGION IN CONTEMPORARY SUB-SAHARAN AFRICA: MULTILINEAR EVOLUTION. THE FATE OF TRADITIONAL BELIEFS IN PRESENT-DAY CONDITIONS -- Panel 17. SOUTHERN AFRICA: MODERNIZATION, ELECTIONS, REGIONAL COOPERATION -- Panel 18. STATE ECONOMICS POLICY AND BUSINESS: NEW PHENOMENA -- Panel 19. TENDENCIES OF SOCIO-ECONOMIC, POLITICAL AND CULTURAL DEVELOPMENT IN SUB-SAHARAN AFRICA IN THE CONTEXT OF MULTIPOLAR WORLD'S FORMATION -- Panel 20. ZIMBABWE AT THE CROSSROADS.

The article analyzes some aspects of the policies of the CDU and CSU, gives a forecast regarding their future course, and identifies possible political directions for Moscow in overcoming the estrangement between the Russian Federation and Germany. A noticeable decline in the popularity of the Chancellor O. Scholz's government prompts the German scientific community to raise questions about the ability of the CDU/CSU opposition bloc to give impetus to the country's modernization and protect national interests. The German Christian democracy is going through a period of evolutionary adaptation to a changing world. Its liberal, Christian, conservative and social components include the content of Atlantic attitudes, the European Union values with strengthening of the military vector, and gender philosophy. It seems that the core of voting for the CDU and CSU, among other things, consists of traditional postulates of this political trend. It also manifests itself in the policy towards Russia. Right-wing centrists incite Ukrainian radicals to transfer terrorist actions to the Russian territory, to the use of German long-range missiles by Kyiv against civilian objects in the depths of the Russian Federation. This testifies to the loss of a sense of reality among the CDU/CSU leaders, who, under the burden of historical reflection, dream of Moscow's surrender. Although anti-Russian rhetoric is intensifying in Berlin, signs of distant realism in the CDU and CSU still appear. Even some prime ministers of the CDU in the former East Germany are cautiously for negotiations and the restoration of trade and economic ties with Moscow. The provisions in the new programs of the CDU/CSU regarding the preservation of traditions and experience in dialogue between state and civil society deserve close study. Perhaps it is here that the discussion points of contact intersect, an interface can be found for the exchange of views on the problems of education, science, demography, ecology, and on joint projects.

The article analyzes new aspects of the evolution of the Social Democratic Party of Germany (SPD) against the backdrop of the situation in Europe and in the world, confirming the forecasts made in the author's previous publications. The party remains an important political force in Europe and globally, influences the development of European social-democratic thought, actively participates in reforming the European Union. The German Social Democrats uphold the principles of liberal democracies, entering into disputes with Budapest and Warsaw in view of their heightened sense of national exclusiveness. The updated conceptual guidelines of the party testify to further tightening of the SPD's course in the Russian direction. The party does not give an answer to the fundamental questions: how the outlines of a new world order in Europe can be built without the participation of Russia, especially against it; to what extent the turn of the SPD's top meets the interests of ordinary party members and citizens of the country. The approach of the German Social Democrats may exacerbate the already tense situation. The SPD has forgotten Willy Brandt's warnings about the inadmissibility of exporting the FRG's and other Western countries' model, of imposing certain rules. The military-political choice made by O. Scholz and L. Klingbeil, their definition of February 24, 2022 as drawing a line under the moral and historical responsibility of Berlin for the atrocities of the Nazis, depreciating the important role of Moscow in the defeat of fascism and the reunification of Germany, have become the milestone ideological imperatives of modern Germany. These and other factors will go down in the history of Moscow–Berlin relations as a major mistake of the German Social Democracy. Moscow should not negotiate with those leaders of the SPD who will certainly bring the content of conversations to the attention of Washington, Brussels, Kyiv, Warsaw, Vilnius, Riga. The German ruling class without the sovereignty of its country does not inspire confidence. The trend of expanding hostilities in Ukraine with the use of new types of weapons, a possible direct intervention of NATO countries in the conflict continues. Moscow should clearly analyze the reasons for the rise and fall of the RF–FRG relations, Russia's miscalculations, and sketch out various scenarios. Despite everything, in Germany, especially in the new federal states, in a part of the SPD, German business and civil society, hopes for normalizing relations with Russia have not been lost completely. Their cautious statements about the common roots of the Russian Federation and the Federal Republic of Germany belonging to the European civilization cannot but inspire restrained optimism in terms of preserving the experience of dialogue between the two countries.

The article analyzes the origins and implementation progress of the agreement between the United States, Great Britain and Australia on the formation of the triple military alliance AUKUS, which was announced on September 15, 2021. It is emphasized that the emerging military alliance is based on the concept of integrating the military-industrial complexes of the three Anglo-Saxon countries, aimed at containing and confronting the People's Republic of China (PRC) in the Indo-Pacific region. The main program of action of the emerging military alliance is to equip the Australian Navy with 8 submarines with nuclear power plants. The serious military-technical difficulties that this program will face and is already facing are indicated. At the same time, the process of involving the Australian military-technical potential in the creation of a number of other weapons systems, in particular, hypersonic weapons, is also underway. The formation of AUKUS is considered in a broader aspect as a reflection of the desire of Great Britain and the United States to build a hierarchy of control of the global world order, subject to its subordination to the «collective West», in which the «closed club» of the Anglo-Saxon countries plays the main role. The transformation of the union of Anglo-Saxon countries into the main «bearing» element of the system of global hierarchical governance occurs in the context of the growing crisis of the neoliberal model of globalization, which was given universal civilizational significance at the turn of the 1980 s-1990 s. Thus, a new geopolitical and geo-economic fracture is implanted into the world civilizational space, based on the confrontation of the Western system of values and the Asian system of values, built on the synthesis of Confucianism, Buddhism and Taoism.

The article examines the comparative aspects of the use of legal doctrine as the source of law in Russia and Bulgaria. The authors analyze the approaches to determination the place of legal doctrine in the system of sources of law and offer the definition of the "legal doctrine". Also, the authors highlight the merits of recognizing legal doctrine as the source of law, but emphasize the potential danger of excessive ideologization of the legal system. Authors conclude that it is obligatory to consolidate the legal doctrine as the source of law, defining the conditions for its operation and establishing the place in the hierarchy of sources of law.

Over the course of the prolonged US war in Vietnam, the bloodiest one after World War II, it became obvious that there was no alternative to a negotiation process. Important reasons were the impossibility for Washington to win the battlefield and the rise of anti-war sentiment in the United States. The author tried to show how certain psychological characteristics of US leaders led to the war and then eventually to negotiations. When started negotiations were accompanied by military action. The course of the war and negotiations was influenced by Soviet military assistance to the DRV, as well as by relations in the triangle of the USSR - USA - China. The time of detente between the USSR and the USA coincided with war in Vietnam, which influenced the behavior of the Soviet leaders, as evidenced by the recollections of the USSR ambassador to the United States A. Dobrynin.The Politburo of the Central Committee had disagreements regarding Vietnam and detente with the United States. But the war weakened US international stance and contributed to the achievement of strategic agreements with the USSR.The main objectives of the DRV in the negotiations were to stop US bombings and then withdrawal of US troops. The United States sought to maintain the Saigon puppet regime for some time after the withdrawal of its troops from South Vietnam. Washington's main goal was to "save its face", declaring defeat a "victory". To achieve this goal the war and negotiations dragged on for years, and on the eve of the signing of the agreements, the most fierce bombing of the DRV was carried out.Thanks to the powerful air defense created with the help of the USSR, the DRV won the "air Dien Bien Fu".The United States was forced to sign a peace agreement, which provided for the complete cessation of all US military operations in Vietnam, the withdrawal of all American troops, but left the North Vietnamese forces in South Vietnam together with the armed forces of the National Liberation Front along with the decaying and doomed to death Saigon regime. In 1975 its army was defeated the regime capitulated, which ensured the subsequent reunification of South and North Vietnam.The Vietnamese people defeated the American colossus, having suffered terrible sacrifices themselves, but achieved the national goal - the withdrawal of the Americans and the unification of the country. The full support of Vietnam can be seen as a successes story of Soviet foreign policy.

The attention in the article is drawn to the fact that despite the obvious need to bring special knowledge into civil and economic procedural proof, this process is progressing rather slowly as the modern practice of using special knowledge constantly reveals gaps and collisions in procedural norms. Defining forensic science as a separate form of using special knowledge, the article focuses on the interpretation of the "special knowledge" concept by scientists, and concludes that scientific papers explicitly indicate that special knowledge is used by a limited number of specialists, they are inherent in a particular science; could be obtained in the process of training, special training and are applied according to the requirements of current legislation. It is noted that a separate procedural form of special knowledge application is the results of forensic examinations, i.e. for forensic examination conduct it is necessary to involve a specialist who, according to the current legislation, possesses the required sum of special knowledge, which allows him to competently conduct measures that are his functional responsibilities − to provide a forensic report based on their own special, professional knowledge. It is argued that according to the evidence classification, the forensic opinion belongs to personal sources of evidence and, if there are no grounded reasons for disagreement with it, should be taken for granted and used in evidence as a result of research work of an authoritative specialist. It is also emphasized that the forensic report, as an independent forensic evidence in the case, can only be the result of forensic examination, appointed and conducted in strict accordance with the requirements of economic or civil procedural law, the signs by which the forensic report differs from other means of evidence are described. The features that distinguish forensic examination from examinations carried out in other areas of human activity are outlined. It is established that the means of verifying a forensic report in civil and economic proceedings are forensic expert testimony, other evidence provided by the procedure participants and comparing the report with the latter, as well as stressed that the distinction between verification and evaluation of evidence should be conducted according to individual criteria, their characteristic is given. ; У статті зазначено, що, незважаючи на очевидну необхідність залучення спеціальних знань до цивільного та господарського процесуального доказування, цей процес просувається досить повільно, оскільки сучасна практика застосування спеціальних знань постійно виявляє прогалини та колізії у процесуальних нормах. Визначаючи судову експертизу як окрему форму застосування спеціальних знань, у статті акцентовано на тлумаченні науковців самого поняття «спеціальні знання». Зауважено, що окремою процесуальною формою застосування спеціальних знань є результати судових експертиз, тобто для проведення судової експертизи необхідним є залучення фахівця, якому, згідно з чинним законодавством, обов'язково потрібно мати спеціальні знання. Наведено ознаки, які відрізняють судову експертизу від експертиз, які здійснюють в інших галузях людської діяльності, та визначено, що розмежування між перевіркою й оцінкою доказів слід здійснювати за окремими критеріями, наведено їхню характеристику.