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The internationalization of programs and the establishment of a European delivery chamber has opened new perspectives for the humanities, social and cultural research. Even compensatory strategies to balance the predominance of bio and life sciences, as well as the materials and nanoscience in the management of large subsidy funds has, for circulation of specific funding for the humanities, social sciences and cultural studies, both in state institutions such as private foundations, out. Taking some specific funding opportunities out, so projects are here usually encouraged that two or more partners from the German, merge the European and international scientific space. This form of collaborative research, as has been repeatedly stressed in the past, the humanities, social sciences and cultural studies rather alien. The picture or the seated alone behind his or her desk researcher or researcher has long determined the perception. Adapted from the source document.

The euphoria of the century began, the Arab Spring is gone. Even more: In its place skepticism, criticism and a certain helplessness entered. One could argue that the triumph of the democratic system over the systems of socialism have proved to be a Pyrrhic victory. The number of democracies in the world has grown, the complaints about their condition also. It is mainly the internal development of the established democracies, of which you have earlier than those of 'Western-style' speaking, the manifold has occasion to speak of a crisis of democracy. Adapted from the source document.

For the 2000 election campaign, the liberals tried to establish a completely new image of their party. Instead of being just the junior partner of a government, they tried to establish their own profile. Their campaign had three main goals: independence from other parties; a party "for everybody"; no government without the liberals. The political communication had an uncommon style, based mainly on media, thereby presenting the new, dynamic image of the party. It is suggested that this strategy failed because the party overdid the media presence as a 'fun party,' & because there was a goal conflict between liberal positions & attraction for all. Adapted from the source document.

The author analyzes the feasibility of the call for a European constitution. It is thought that there is something that may be called European constitutional principles, as defined in various agreements, & also a legal & institutional system that derives its validity & viability from those agreements. Although the Treaties of Rome do not include an explicit catalogue of fundamental rights, they nevertheless guarantee four economic freedoms: those of the movement of people, goods, capital, & services. However, the character of the European Union as a legal community is based on individual constitutions. Two questions arise from this: (1) The member countries remain the masters of the integration, which makes the EU more similar to the late medieval legal condition of partial juridization of political rule than a community with a modern constitution. (2) The European Union does not have pouvoir constituant. This fact has been criticized by the advocates of the idea of a European constitution who think that the EU needs a constitution to establish & maintain links among its citizens. According to them, this would represent the initial impetus for the political community. The author concludes that a European constitution could pave the way for the institutions that create a feeling of togetherness or unity of the citizens. On the other hand, one should not expect anything less. Adapted from the source document.

The author looks at the development & significance of the modern constitution. According to him, except for institutionalization of politics, the modern constitution affirms the goals of the political order. Constitutional concerns dwell mostly on the valorization of human rights, a commitment to democracy, & the legal & social state. The modern constitution remains the object of constitutional studies, & precedes the establishment of other forms of law. At its foundations, the modern constitution represents a political union, demarcating a political regime, & citizens remain free to pursue their own interests in social, economic, & political spheres. The two underlying conceptions of the constitution are distinct: on one hand, Thomas Paine established the philosophical underpinnings of the American-European constitutional order (rational & voluntary); on the other hand, the English model licenses constitutional rights in the institutions. Relativized are the differences between the two visions: the instrumental & symbolic functions of the constitution. The former is the outcome of political processes that specify laws & establish limits to political power. The latter is a symbolic function of a good & just society. It is concluded that the constitution requires responsible citizens, & that its symbolic functions emerge over time. A. Siegel

The author analyzes the meaning of the phase "sovereignty of constitutions" & wonders whether "constitutional democracy" should be understood as a combination of a good political order in the Aristotelian meaning of taxis. The author looks into the different traditions in the evolution of constitutionalism using the examples of France, GB, & North America. In the case of North America, he refers to the idea of creating a mixed form of constitution or constitutional democracy, which allows for the democratic legitimation of power as well as for its constitutional restriction. The evolution of constitutionalism shows that constitutions now occupy the position that first belonged only to sovereign monarchs & later to sovereign peoples in democracy. Basically, normative constitutionalism leads to the situation in which constitutional courts give authoritative interpretation of constitutions that transforms a democratic/parliamentary state into a constitutional-court jurisdiction state. The author concludes that the sacralization of constitutions & constitutional courts does not necessarily stimulate the political process, a fact that opens new controversies. Adapted from the source document.

A revised translation of an article originally published as "Der ambivalente Liberalismus. Oder: Was halt die liberale Demokratie zusammen?" Zeitschrift fur Politik (42 [1995] 3, 250-267). A few years after the collapse of communist regimes, it is evident that the confidence about the ultimate triumph of liberal democracy was premature. This waking up to reality is not only the consequence of the hardships in the transformation of postcommunist societies, but of the intellectual skepticism regarding the normative potential of liberal democracy in the developed Western societies. The problem might in most general terms be formulated as the incapacity of liberal democracy to generate & reproduce the normative requirements for its own survival. The author thinks that the solution to this paradox can nevertheless be found within the institutional framework of liberal democracy: if the traditional moral concepts on which liberal democracy was founded in the past are worn out indeed, & no civil-religious substitute for that tradition has emerged as yet, then its only possibility is to create its own, modern or postmodern, morality by means of the public discourse mechanisms & the political participation of citizens. The normative dimension of liberalism must not be reduced to the theory of private ownership, market, & competition, but be envisaged as a constitutional theory of human rights & restricted government & the egalitarian distribution of goods & opportunities. Adapted from the source document.

Argues that the German debate on communitarianism is strictly theoretical with no direct implications for practical politics. This gap between political theory & practice is attributed to the lack of liberal convictions that define the context in which the German debate is occurring. This is contrasted to the discussion of communitarianism in the US, where liberalism dominates. The German conversation does offer a critique of modern society, particularly of utilitarianism, the effects of unmoderated individualization, & the loss of community ties. This critique is not unique to communitarianism, however, & communitarianism's German variant lacks political & social strategies that can address the problems it articulates. It is concluded that communitarianism will do little to effect contemporary modernization processes. Adapted from the source document.

A discussion of the influence of communitarianism on contemporary party politics in Germany argues that the FDP has no position on communitarianism & retains its emphasis on liberalism & market-economic renewal. The party's primary aims are transformation of the economy of the former East Germany, general industrial innovation, & promotion of a lean state through deregulation & decreased bureaucracy. Proponents of communitarianism commonly criticize this agenda as egoistic & economistic, but often agree with the FDP's desire to move away from statism in favor of self-organization. E. Blackwell