Search results

"Michelle Bachelet, Chile's first female president, was elected in 2006 with an explicit gender agenda, promising to appoint new faces (including women) to her government and implement some positive gender change. After a period as the first head of UN Women, she was subsequently reelected for a second term in 2013 with a decisive majority. This volume focuses on Bachelet's efforts in both her first and second administrations to introduce progressive measures in Chile and the constraints that she has faced in a context where both formal and informal political institutions can act as barriers to change. Written by leading experts in the field, the chapters highlight both the successes of Bachelet's governments and also the key battles that Bachelet faced, for example with regard to reproductive rights, electoral reform, and social protection"--

"Michelle Bachelet, Chile's first female president, was elected in 2006 with an explicit gender agenda, promising to appoint new faces (including women) to her government and implement some positive gender change. After a period as the first head of UN Women, she was subsequently reelected for a second term in 2013 with a decisive majority. This volume focuses on Bachelet's efforts in both her first and second administrations to introduce progressive measures in Chile and the constraints that she has faced in a context where both formal and informal political institutions can act as barriers to change. Written by leading experts in the field, the chapters highlight both the successes of Bachelet's governments and also the key battles that Bachelet faced, for example with regard to reproductive rights, electoral reform, and social protection"--

'The Oxford Handbook of Gender and Politics' brings to political science an accessible and comprehensive overview of the key contributions of gender scholars to the study of politics, and it shows how these contributions produce a richer understanding of polities and societies.

This article explores what behaviour change, with its associated methods, approaches and policy prescriptions, can offer gender and politics. After outlining the key elements of behaviour change, it considers the potential of its associated methods, primarily field experiments. The third section considers the potential contribution of behaviour change approaches by examining one area – social norms – that has recently become more salient for gender and politics. Finally, it examines behaviour change's gender equality policy implications ('nudges'). It concludes that despite significant problems, a critical, pluralist and problem-driven gender and politics scholarship should engage critically with behaviour change while remaining aware of its limitations.

"Gendering Institutional Change" published on by Oxford University Press.

Many democracies are widely perceived to be suffering a serious crisis of representation, participation and legitimacy. As part of this 'crisis', the male domination of democracy – both in terms of its institutions and who participates – has been identified as problematic, even emblematic, of a more generalized democratic crisis. Increasing the participation of women is advocated as one solution. Using examples drawn from both long-standing and newer democracies (parliamentary and presidential), particularly from Europe and Latin America, this article explores the gender dynamics of the 'crisis of democracy'. The 'crisis' has two gendered aspects. First, and paradoxically, although democracy still privileges predominantly white, elite, heterosexual, men, more women now participate in democratic institutions, leading to claims that the 'male monopoly' has ended (Dahlerup and Leyenaar 2013). Second, the 'crisis of democracy' may provide opportunities to further enhance women's participation, as the demands of those favouring greater gender equality and those looking for solutions to the 'crisis' appear to coincide.

Many democracies are widely perceived to be suffering a serious crisis of representation, participation and legitimacy. As part of this 'crisis', the male domination of democracy - both in terms of its institutions and who participates - has been identified as problematic, even emblematic, of a more generalized democratic crisis. And increasing the participation of women is advocated as one solution. Using examples drawn from both long-standing and newer democracies (parliamentary and presidential) particularly from Europe and Latin America, this article explores the gender dynamics of the 'crisis of democracy'. Notably the 'crisis' has two gendered aspects. Paradoxically although democracy still privileges predominantly white, elite, heterosexual, men, more women now participate in democratic institutions, leading to claims that the 'male monopoly' has ended (Dahlerup and Leyenaar 2013). Second the 'crisis of democracy' may provide opportunities to further enhance women's participation, as the demands of those favouring greater gender equality and those looking for solutions to the 'crisis' appear to coincide.