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Intro -- Contents -- About the Author -- Introduction -- Chapter 1 Chinese Citizens' Declining Trust in Their Central Government -- Regime Stability and Declining Popular Trust in Beijing -- Demographics and Socioeconomic Status -- Age -- Birth cohort -- Education -- Rural and urban populations -- Subjective social status -- Governmental Performance -- Economic performance -- Performance in probity -- Cultural Values -- Traditional values -- Democratic orientation -- Globalisation -- Conclusion -- Chapter 2 Happiness in the Changing Chinese Society -- China's Puzzling Happiness Curve -- Life Satisfaction and Income Inequality -- Income groups -- Education -- Life Satisfaction and Social Safety Net -- Unemployment -- Health -- Life Satisfaction and Political Attitudes -- Political trust -- Social trust -- Life Satisfaction and Demographics -- Age -- Marital status -- Religion -- Gender -- Conclusion -- Chapter 3 Nationalism of Chinese Internet Users -- The Rise of Chinese Nationalism -- Defining and Measuring Nationalism -- Ideological Positions and Nationalism -- Social Demographics and Nationalism -- Conclusion -- Chapter 4 China's Paraxylene Predicament: Rising Environmental Movements and Government's Responses -- PX Protests and Rising Environmental Movements -- Environmental Protests: Features -- Participants: Urban middle class -- Decentralised and technology-based mobilisation -- Strategic protesters -- Absence of non-governmental organisations -- Government's Mismanagement and Flawed Policies -- Non-transparency -- Public distrust and government-business partnership -- Flawed laws and planning -- The "maintaining social stability" mentality -- Policy Changes: Achieved and to be Achieved -- Chapter 5 Rising Terrorism in Xinjiang and China's Response -- Rising Terrorism and China's Policy in Xinjiang.

"This book provides a comprehensive examination of value changes of Chinese citizens, especially the younger generation, and how the Chinese authorities take efforts to adapt to such changes and refine its social control mechanisms. The book discusses three related themes through a series of topics. The first theme examines the changes in political attitudes and values among Chinese youths, comparing them to the older generations in the mainland and their contemporaries in Hong Kong and Taiwan. The second theme focuses on the recent development of social unrests, new pursuits that emerged in the Chinese society, and new means adopted by the Chinese protestors. The third theme touches on the responses of the party-state under the Xi Jinping administration, and how it has sophisticatized the machine of social control. With these three themes, this book also adds on to the understanding of regime stability of the Communist system in China, and how this system handles a variety of challenges brought about by dramatic social changes"--

Post-materialism is a value orientation that gives priority to freedom of expression and participation in public affairs over fulfilment of material needs such as economic and physical security. Youth in Hong Kong, Taiwan and mainland China have significantly different levels of post-materialist values, with Hong Kongers scoring the highest and Mainlanders the lowest. These differences have led to their different political orientations.

To guarantee a "successful" 19th Congress of the Communist Party, the Chinese regime had mobilised all its resources to maintain stability in 2017. With sophisticated internet censorship, artificial intelligence and big data technology, social control mechanism in the country has become "smarter", more effective and more successful in reducing social unrest. In the long term, however, it may face challenges due to value changes in society.

The political attitudes of the post-1980s generation in China are important for understanding the country's political future. Public opinion surveys reveal the post-1980s group as the least nationalistic and more sceptical of the government than the older generations. They show little interest in politics despite their confidence of participating in public issues. In the long term, Beijing will have to face a society led by the more critical and less obedient post-1980s.

The high unemployment rate in China's Uighur community has been cited as a factor for the occurrence of a series of ethnic violence. Uighurs are disadvantaged in the job market mainly because of their poor Mandarin language ability. They are socially insulated from the Han-dominated business networks, and are less proactive and enterprising in work than Han. Overall, the unemployment issue of Uighurs is a product of multiple causes, which requires a comprehensive policy plan.

China enjoyed a relatively "stable" and peaceful 2016. This did not mean that social problems had been addressed, but indicated that the authorities had strengthened their capacity to maintain social stability. The middle class' rising grievances over the deteriorating environment and the incompetent legal system have aroused collective action in cyberspace. The government has strengthened its control of non-governmental organisations and public opinion on the internet.

Chinese President Xi Jinping has demonstrated a distinctive leadership style and established his personal dominance by setting up a number of small leading groups, reducing the decision-making authority of his politburo colleagues. He has also made himself a populist leader by using the whole party-state propaganda machine to promote his personality. The power concentration and a distinct personal leadership may help Xi push long-delayed reforms, while making decision-making more vulnerable to mistakes and power abuse.

A web-based public opinion survey shows that Chinese nationalism is associated with conservative ideologies in politics, economy and culture. A nationalist in China generally supports an authoritarian government, respects national unity and security, endorses state influences in socioeconomic issues and values traditional cultures. People with higher income are generally less nationalistic. Education is negatively related to nationalism. The oldest and youngest cohorts are more nationalistic than those in their middle age.

The year of 2014 in China saw rising terrorist attacks by Uighur minority in Xinjiang, as well as a number of massive protests caused by environmentally risky projects. Hardline policy on public opinion and liberal intellectuals had been continued. The year also witnessed a series of reforms in the party-state's security and legal apparatus, including the creation of the National Security Commission, judicial reform, and redefining the power of the Politics and Law Commission.

The Chinese authorities have demonstrated great capability in putting online activities under strict surveillance. A comprehensive and complex system of internet monitoring and censorship has been established, consisting of the Great Firewall, online content control and targeted suppression, as well as an army of online commentators. Since Xi assumed leadership in late 2012, Beijing has shown considerable determination to win "public opinion" in the cyber world.