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Transcript of annual speech given by Governor Wilson G. Harvey to both houses of the state legislature in joint opening session to report on the condition of the state of South Carolina.

El presente artículo analiza los principales factores macroeconómicos que han afectado el óptimo desempeño del Régimen Contributivo del Sistema General de Seguridad Social en Salud; para ello se adelanta una revisión a las orientaciones políticas dadas por un estamento de financiamiento internacional, como lo es el Banco Mundial, que originaron las reformas estructurales de la mayoría de los países de Latinoamérica a finales de la década de los ochenta e inicios de los noventa. Posteriormente, se revisan los resultados de los principales indicadores macroeconómicos, que tienen relación directa con el Régimen Contributivo, tales como comportamiento del PIB, estadísticas de empleo, gasto público y privado en salud, entre otros, correlacionándolos entre sí, con el fin de identificar posibles fallas que hayan limitado el crecimiento en la afiliación de poblaciones potenciales. Luego se procede a analizar el comportamiento de indicadores internos del Régimen Contributivo, que determinan su adecuada dinámica, como son la densidad salarial y familiar, la equidad en cuanto al valor de la Unidad de Pago por Capitación del Régimen Contributivo respecto a la del Régimen Subsidiado y a los subsidios parciales, creados por medio del Acuerdo 267 de 2004 del Consejo Nacional de Seguridad Social en Salud y elevados a ley mediante la Ley 1122 de 2007; finalmente, se analizan los resultados de las cinco principales EPS, así como de dos de los más importantes holdings empresariales en salud del país. ; This study analyzes the main macroeconomic factors that have affected the optimal performance of the Contributive Regime in the General System of Social Security in Health. The political guidelines given by an international financing organization as World Bank which caused structural reforms in most of the Latin American countries at the end of the 80s and at the beginning of the 90s are being reviewed. Later, the results of the main macroeconomic indicators with a direct relation to Contributive Regime such as GIP behavior, employment statistics, public and private expenses in health, among others, are reviewed and related among themselves in order to identify possible failures that have limited the growth in affiliations by potential populations. Then, this study analyzes the behavior of Contributive Regime domestic indicators, which determine their appropriate dynamics, such as family and salary density, equity regarding the value of the Payment Unit by Capitation of the Contributive Regime regarding the Subsidy Regime and the partial subsidies created by Agreement 267 of 2004 by the National Council of Social Security in Health, and made them in Law 1122 of 2007. Finally, it analyzes the results of the main five EPS, as well as two of the most important health company holdings in the country.

1. Introduction -- 2. Towards a framework for understanding community resilience -- 3. Transition theory : environmental pathways and resilient communities -- 4. Social memory : community learning, tradition, stakeholder networks and community resilience -- 5. Path dependency : 'lock-in' mechanisms, power structures and pathways of the (im)possible at community level -- 6. Transitional corridors : macro-structural influences and community resilience -- 7. Community resilience and the policy challenge -- 8. Conclusions.

This book discusses the resilience of communities in both developed and developing world contexts. It investigates the notion of 'resilience' and the challenges faced by local communities around the world to deal with disturbances (natural hazards or human-made) that may threaten their long-term survival. Using global examples, specific emphasis is placed on how learning processes, traditions, policies and politics affect the resilience of communities and what constraints and opportunities exist for communities to raise resilience levels.

The past two decades have seen large shifts in the constitutional landscape of the United Kingdom. This began with the devolution of powers from Westminster to Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland under the first Blair government. More recently, the localism agenda advanced by the Coalition and subsequent Conservative governments has sought to further devolve powers to areas within England, and the constitutional integrity of the UK itself was threatened by 2014s Scottish independence referendum and the 2016 referendum vote for the UK to leave the European Union. It is convenient to regard constitutional reform concerned with the dispersal of power through the creation of new executive and legislative bodies as a modern phenomenon. However, the roots of devolution go back much further. Largely forgotten is the work of the Kilbrandon Commission, established to consider the allocation of executive and legislative power within the UK, which reported in 1973 and effectively produced the first substantial proposals for the devolution of power from Westminster. Almost two decades on from the creation of the devolved institutions for Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland, the present moment is as opportune as any to consider the longer-term legacy of the Kilbrandon Commission. This note revisits the major findings and recommendations of Kilbrandon and attempts to consider the extent to which these have been realised in subsequent constitutional reform initiatives. While difficult to quantify its significance, it is nonetheless important to recognise the relevance of the commission's work for subsequent and unfinished developments within the area of constitutional reform. © 2017, The Author(s).

Following Russian intervention and a referendum held on 16th March 2014, the Ukrainian republic of Crimea became incorporated within Russia. The Crimean episode marked just the latest in a series of situations arising in former Soviet states in which secessionist movements within disaffected territorial units were able to advance their causes aided by Russian external intervention. These situations raise significant international legal issues pertaining to secession by component parts of existing states, underpinned by external intervention. The unwillingness of the international community to recognise Russia's incorporation of Crimea, similar to its earlier rejection of the purported secession of South Ossetia and Abkhazia from Georgia, reinforces the widely held view that non-consensual secession must be grounded in exceptional circumstances which were found to be lacking in all of these situations. It also reaffirms the principle that territorial changes brought about by external intervention will not be recognised. However, while legal assessments of these incidents may appear prima facie straightforward, they cannot be entirely divorced from the wider political phenomenon of ethnic conflict in former Soviet states and tensions existing in those states between factions seeking to further European integration and those prioritising strengthening relations with Russia. The international legal reasoning employed by the key protagonists must be understood with reference to this wider context. © 2016 The Author(s)

THE VICTORS IN CLIMACTIC POLITICAL STRUGGLES THAT RESULT IN MAJOR REGIME CHANGES FACE THE SAME PROBLEM AS THE VICTORS IN MORE MUNDANE DEMOCRATIC POLITICS. ON THE ONE HAND, GOVERNING WITHOUT THE ESTABLISHED BUREAUCRACY IS UNIMAGINABLE AND GOVERNING THROUGH IT OFFERS DECIDED ADVANTAGES. ON THE OTHER HAND, COUNTER ELITES HAVE ALL THE REASONS THAT DEMOCRATICALLY ELECTED POLITICIANS SHARE TO WORRY ABOUT THE RELIABILITY OF BUREAUCRACIES. THIS ARTICLE EXPLORES THE ATTRACTIVENESS OF A BUREAUCRACY, THE RESPONSE OF THE NEW ELITE TO THE BUREAUCRACY, AND, THE RESPONSE OF THE BUREAUCRACY TO THE NEW ELITE. IT CONCLUDES THAT WE MAY LOOK FORWARD IN YEARS AHEAD TO SEEING WHETHER THE EXPECTATION THAT IN MODERN STATES THE NEED FOR BUREAUCRACY OUTWEIGHS DISTASTE FOR THE PAST BEHAVIOR OF BUREAUCRATS, OR WHETHER DRASTIC CHANGES IN BUREAUCRATIC PERSONNEL OCCUR.