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W artykule przedstawiono projekty inicjatyw dotyczących budowy infrastruktury transportowej krajów Trójmorza (3SI), które wpisują się w rozwój infrastruktury transportowej całej UE. Warto zauważyć zmiany geopolityczne rozgrywane przez główne mocarstwa światowe, określające od nowa strefy wpływów. Na tym tle widoczne są starania państw 3SI, które dążą do zmian kierunku rozwoju infrastruktury transportowej z północy na południe Europy, odchodząc od zimnowojennego układu wschód – zachód. 3SI liczy na dynamiczną transformację i powstanie układu sił, w którym właściwe miejsce zajmą lepsze relacje transatlantyckie, a którego istotnym elementem będzie region Europy Środkowej. Autor przyjmuje podejście instytucjonalne oraz analizę opartą na teorii neorealizmu. Pozwoli to na ocenę roli i znaczenia inicjatyw Trójmorza dla rozwoju państw Europy Środkowej i UE.

The aim of the article is to analyse the value of myth and legend in shaping historical policy. The activity of politicians and their influence on shaping historical policy is most often associated with political change, secession, reconstruction, or state renewal. The creators of these transformations seek to find historical connections in the past that would legitimise the changes and the purposefulness of the actions taken by the government. Historians play a considerable role in such endeavours; however, they should not forget historical truth, which may conflict with political needs.

The creation of the Three Seas Initiative (TSI), the political and economic format for 12 EU countries, is accompanied by a growing interest on the part of world powers and non-EU countries in the region. The aim of the research is to analyse the involvement of three Eastern European countries, namely Belarus, Ukraine, and Moldova in projects developed under TSI. The research used a neorealistic approach. These countries belong to the post-Soviet area and, apart from Belarus, show a willingness to cooperate with Western institutions, which arouses a strong reaction from the Russian Federation. The research will result in determining their participation in projects implemented by TSI, including energy, transport, and digital infrastructure. These countries are on the way to working more closely with the Initiative, possibly under the new TSI plus format. The United States supports the expansion of the Three Seas Initiative.

Among the consequences of geopolitical changes in the twenty-first century is the increase in the political and economic activity of the countries of Central and Eastern Europe. Between the Baltic Sea, the Black Sea and the Adriatic lies a group of post-communist countries whose economic development is lower than that of other countries belonging to the 'old' European Union (EU). A group of these countries has launched a joint political and economic initiative (Three Seas Initiative) in an attempt to limit the growing energy dependence on the Russian Federation and to create prospects for the region's development. The beginning of 2020 confirmed the desire to intensify this cooperation, which goes beyond the EU environment, creating transatlantic unions and counting on the support of the United States and inducing interest in China (including the concept of 'One Belt, One Road' – OBOR). The Three Seas Initiative is part of the broader context of EU development and is not in competition with the EU.

Personnel policy in the Polish Army in the years 1918–1939 Personnel policy is one of the most sensitive elements shaping the military personnel of each army, and we can distinguish several stages of this policy in the Polish Army in the years 1918–1939. The first was related to the regaining of independence by Poland and fights for its borders. At that time, the organizational structures of the army were created and verification commissions were set up, which defined the possibilities of serving in the Polish Army, especially in regard to former soldiers from the forces of partitioning powers. The next period was associated with the transition of the army to the so-called peace organization, when the basis for the promotion pragmatics was defined by law. The third of the stages began after 1926, when after the coup d'état, Marshal Józef Piłsudski and his entourage gained a decisive role in the promotion policy, mainly based on legionary provenance. At that time, many officers left the military, especially those generals who previously commanded the armies of partitioning powers. The organizational system of the Polish Army also changed, as alongside the Ministry of Military Affairs and the General Staff (Main), a new dominant organ was appointed –the General Inspectorate of the Armed Forces –to prepare the army for a future war. After the death of Józef Piłsudski in 1935, the pragmatist approach was advocated by his successor Marshal Edward Rydz-Śmigły, who tried to introduce clear promotion regulations regarding personnel policy in the Polish Army.

Polish-German mutual relations after 1990 underwent permanent changes. Gradually, good neighborly relations were started to be built across borders. The aim of the article is to present the activity of institutions from the area of the Police poviat in shaping good relations with the neighboring border areas on the German side. The relations mainly took on a cultural, tourist and educational dimension, they also concerned the combination of road infrastructure and joint activities for local safety and ecology. We can assume that such cooperation contributes to a better mutual understanding and development of joint projects and determination of possible mutual expectations. The Polish-German borderland in this area is also characterized by an increase in Polish settlement in the German borderland communes, which is accompanied by the participation of Poles living in Germany in local self-government elections. Important elements favoring the activation of activities on the border are, among others EU assistance programs, e.g. INTERREG III (2000-2006), INTERREG IV (2007-2013), INTERREG V (2014-2020) covered by the concept of European Territorial Cooperation (European Regional Development Fund). Joint programs and projects created are conducive to cross-border integration and rapprochement of societies, as well as changing mutual assessments and breaking stereotypes. ; Wzajemne relacje polsko-niemieckie po 1990 r. ulegały trwałym przemianom. Stopniowo przystąpiono do budowania dobrosąsiedzkich stosunków w wymiarze transgranicznym. Celem prezentowanego artykułu jest przedstawienie aktywności instytucji z obszaru powiatu polickiego w kształtowaniu dobrych stosunków z sąsiednimi obszarami pogranicza po stronie niemieckiej. Relacje przybierały głównie wymiar kulturalny, turystyczny, oświatowy, dotyczyły także łączenia infrastruktury drogowej i wspólnych działań na rzecz bezpieczeństwa lokalnego i ekologii. Możemy przyjąć, że taka współpraca przyczynia się do lepszego wzajemnego zrozumienia oraz wypracowania wspólnych projektów i określenia możliwych wzajemnych oczekiwań. Pogranicze polsko-niemieckie na tym obszarze charakteryzuje także wzrost osadnictwa polskiego w niemieckich gminach pogranicznych, czemu towarzyszy udział Polaków zamieszkujących na obszarze Niemiec w lokalnych wyborach samorządowych. Ważnymi elementami sprzyjającymi aktywizacji działań na pograniczu są m.in. programy pomocowe UE, np. INTERREG III (2000-2006), INTERREG IV (2007-2013), INTERREG V (2014-2020) objęte koncepcją Europejskiej Współpracy Terytorialnej (Europejski Fundusz Rozwoju Regionalnego). Tworzone wspólne programy i przedsięwzięcia sprzyjają ponadgranicznej integracji i zbliżeniu społeczeństw, oraz zmianie wzajemnych ocen i przełamywaniu stereotypów.

Central and Eastern Europe is a region located in the context of geopolitical reorganization of the world's wetlands. The first ideas of creating a security system in this part of the continent arose after the First World War. Among them were the Polish concept of "Międzymorze" (Intermarium, aka "ABC Seas") and the Ukrainian idea of the Baltic-Black Sea Union. The concept of security and cooperation in the region was reintroduced with the Russian Federation's accession to the achievement of the influence index from the USSR district. There were also problems in Polish-Ukrainian relations, differences in security strategies, the delineation of the strategic partnership and the formation of the Strategic Culture of the Territories. Countries in the region have announced a number of initiatives to improve regional security (TSI, B9, L3, or Trójkąt Karpacki). The members of the mentioned concepts should be among the geopolitical figures, the position of NATO and the EU and contestations on the part of Russia.