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ÖZETAralarındaki coğrafi ve kültürel yakınlığa rağmen tarihten gelen bazı ön yargıların etkisi ile Türkiye ve Suriye arasında iyi komşuluk ilişkileri kurmak mümkün olmamıştır. Türkiye, Cumhuriyetin ilanından itibaren bütün komşuları ile "Yurtta Sulh, Cihanda Sulh" parolası esasına dayanan politikalar izlemiştir. Buna karşılık Suriye başta Hatay'ın ilhakı olmak üzere Arap Milliyetçiliği'nin anavatanın sınırlarını Toroslar'a kadar genişletme düşüncesini rehber edinmiş ve Türkiye aleyhine olabilecek her türlü faaliyetin destekçisi veya sempatizanı olmuştur.Bugün Türkiye ile Suriye arasında başta Bölücü Terör Örgütüne sağladığı destek olmak üzere, Fırat Nehri sularının paylaşımı, Hatay üzerindeki hak iddiaları, Asi Nehrinin sularının kesilmesi, Türk azınlığın durumu, karasularının tespiti ve kara sınırlarının işaretlenmesi gibi sorunlar mevcuttur. Suriye'nin uzlaşmaz tutumu ve diyalog eksikliği nedeniyle en basit sorunların bile çözümü mümkün olmamıştır.Türkiye'nin jeopolitik konumundan dolayı, bölgede bir güç olmasını istemeyen devletler; Suriye'nin politik ve siyasi zayıflığından faydalanıp bu ülkeyi kullanarak Türkiye aleyhine gelişen durum ve dengeleri destekler bir tutum içerisindedirler. Bu çerçevede; Suriye'nin, GAP'ın hayata geçirilmesi sonucu, Fırat ve Dicle sularının kendisine karşı bir koz ve baskı aracı olarak kullanacağı düşüncesiyle ortaya çıkardığı sınırı aşan sular sorunu, Türkiye'yi bölmeyi amaçlayan PKK terör örgütünü meselelerin kendi isteği doğrultusunda çözümlenmesi için bir manivela olarak kullanmak istemesi, Hatay'ın bir Arap toprağı olduğunu suni olarak gündeme getirmesi ve uluslar arası platformda Türkiye'ye karşı davranışları başlıca sorunlardır. Suriye; Türkiye'yi köşeye sıkıştırmak ve zayıf düşürmek suretiyle bölgede bir güç olmasına engellemek istemektedir. Su sorunu yapay bir sorundur. Suriye'nin Hatay'a yönelik tasavvurları da Suriyeli Arap halka mal olmuş bir politika olmayıp, daha ziyade yönetimin gündem de tuttuğu bir meseledir.Sınıraşan sular konusu Türkiye'nin su pazarlığına girmemesi gereken bir konudur. Suriye ile Irak'ın Matematiksel paylaşım tezi yerine, üçüncü ülkelerin dahil olmayacağı ve egemenlik hakların tartışılmasını gündeme getirecek yükümlülüklere girmeden bilimsel esaslara dayanan Üç Aşamalı Planın uluslar arası bilimsel ve siyasi platformlarda tanıtılması, destek sağlanması ile ilgili girişimler sürdürülmelidir.Türkiye'yi İsrail ile işbirliğine yönelten temel unsur ise, yaşamsal nitelikteki ulusal çıkarlarıdır. İsrail ile yapılan anlaşmalar Türkiye'ye çevresinden, özellikle Suriye ile İran'dan yönelen tehditlere karşı ek bir caydırıcı unsur oluşturmuş ve bölge dengelerini Türkiye lehine çevirmiştir. Türkiye ile İsrail arasında askeri alanda sağlanacak yakınlaşmanın gelecekte ilişkilerimizi güçlendireceği ve iki ülke arasında stratejik yakınlaşma sağlayacağı, bunun sonucu olarak bölgede barış rüzgarlarının eseceği değerlendirilmektedir.Son zamanlarda Suriye, Türkiye'ye yönelik terör örgütlerini desteklemeyi ve bu yolla taviz koparmayı amaçlamıştır. Asala'dan sonra Bölücü Terör Örgütüne verdiği destek günümüzde artık basit sınır tecavüzü veya çete hareketi boyutunu aşarak "Silahlı Saldırı" durumuna ulaşmıştır. Komşu devletlerin desteğine engel olunmadıkça Bölücü Terör Örgütünü ortadan kaldıramayacağını anlayan Türkiye, 1998 yılında kararlı tutumu sayesinde Suriye'yi resmen Bölücü Terör Örgütüne destek sağlamaması konusunda anlaşma imzalamaya zorlayabilmiştir.Türkiye ile Suriye arasındaki sorunlar çözümlenemeyecek problemler değildir. Sorunlar Türkiye'den kaynaklanmadığı gibi Türkiye tarafından halledilemeyecek kadar güç de değildir. Önemli olan husus Türkiye'nin gücünün farkında olması ve bu sorunları çözebilme iradesini oluşturabilmesidir. SUMMARYAlthough there is geographical and cultural proximity between Turkey and Syria, because of some prejudices coming from history, a good neighbourhood relationship could not be set up . From the foundation of Turkish Republic, Turkey has been followed the policies that based on the "Peace at Home, Peace at the World" watchword principle. Controversially, Syria has been taken guide the thought for the expand of the Arabic Nationalism's motherland borders to Toros Mountains, (the annexation of Hatay is a good example for this) and also Syria has become the supporter and likeminded to all facilities that are hostile to Turkey . Today, between Turkey and Syria, the following problems are existing; firstly Syria's support to Dividing Terror Organization, the sharing of Fırat River Water, The rights claims over Hatay, cutting the water of Asi River, the condition of Turkish minority, determination of territorial waters and signing of continent borders . Because of unrecognised attitude of Syria and dialog deficiency, even basic problems can not be solved. Because of the geopolitics position of Turkey, Some Countries, that do not want Turkey as a Power at the region, use Syria, profit by its political and diplomatically weakness, so that they have an attitude that support the developing conditions and balances hostile to Turkey. At this frame, the following problems are existing; The passing over the border water problem, which existing from the Syria's thoughts about the Turkey's using the Fırat and Dicle waters against them as trump and restraint tool (as a result of GAP), using the PKK Dividing Terror Organization as a tool for solving the problems in favour of Syria, usually getting the thought of the region of Hatay as an Arabic land, and attitudes to Turkey at the international platforms. Syria wants to block Turkey for not being a power with abort weak and squeeze to corner. Water problem is not a real problem. Syria's thoughts against to Hatay is not a thought of' Syria s Arabic Common People, but it is the Administrative Authority's thoughts. Turkey should not negotiate about the Waters, that passes through the border . At the place of the mathematical thesis of the sharing between Iraq and Syria, the 3 level plan, that based on the scientific notions, should introduce at the scientific and political international platforms and should look for supports about it. The basic elements, that manage the cooperation between Turkey and Israel, is the national interests (so important for the Turkish Republic). The agreements (done with Israel) has become a element that causing the esp. the threats of Syria and Iran to give up a plan and has turn round the regional balance to Turkey. The proximity at the military area between the Turkey and Israel will empower the relationship between this two country at the future and will lead strategically proximity between them and as a result of this there will be peace winds at the region. Nowadays, Syria intends the support the terror organizations against to Turkey and with this way taking concession. After Asala, support to Dividing Terror Organization, today this become to "Armed Attack" not a simple border attack or guerrilla warfare. Finally, Turkey has realized that without preventing the support of original countries to Dividing Terror Organization, the termination of this organization is impossible, so that in 1998 Turkey force Syria to sign an agreement about not supporting the Dividing Terror Organization formally. Problems between Turkey and Syria can be solved. Problems do not a fault of Turkey and these are not so hard to solve. The important subject is that Turkey should become the aware of its power and develop the solving ability will power.

During the interwar years, U.S.-Turkish relations had been confined within the boundaries of conventional diplomacy. By the end of World War II, the Truman Doctrine of 1947 and the military assistance agreement that drew on it marked the beginning of a series of bilateral and multilateral agreements that bound the two nations together in the military as well as political, economic, and cultural fields. However, relations between the two states did not always proceed on a smooth path. Hence, the relatively optimistic, formative years of 1947-1960 were followed by the troublesome decades of the 1960s and 1970s. By the 1980s, mutual relations settled back on an upward track, reaching a peak during the Gulf War of 1990-91. With the demise of the Soviet system, the dissolution of the Warsaw Pact, and the end of the Cold War, some commentators expected the eventual dismantling of NATO and with it the waning of the American connections with Turkey. Turkey's "strategic value" in the eyes of the Americans, it was being argued, would necessarily diminish as the Soviet threat-the main component of this "value"-was disappearing. Developments throughout the 1990s, however, did not fully justify those pessimistic scenarios. In fact, by the mid-1990s, Turkey and the United States, with the occasional participation of other states such as Israel, began to build a so-called strategic partnership to contain regional and local threats (arising in the areas surrounding Turkey and ranging from the Balkans to the Middle East and the Caucasus) that had been unleashed by the destabilizing forces of the post-Cold War period. It should be noted that, during about the same period, U.S.-Turkish relations gained unprecedented new dimensions, economic and cultural, complementing and sometimes overshadowing the military one.

On 6 March 1995 the EU-Turkey Association Council took a decision regarding the inauguration of a customs union between the EU and Turkey, following the pattern set out in the Ankara Agreement of 1963 and the Additional Protocol of 1970. The Council's decision received the European Parliament's assent on 13 December 1995, enabling it to enter into force on 1 January 1996. Following the Association Council's customs union decision, the Turkish government has launched a series of democratizing and liberalizing reforms. It is apparent that the tactical goal of the Turkish government for initiating the reforms has been to persuade the European Parliament to give its consent to the Association Council's customs union decision. The government's strategic goal, on the other hand, has been to fulfill the necessary political conditions, such as those formulated in the June 1993 Copenhagen meeting of the European Council, of Turkey's qualification for full membership in the EU.

Part 1: Theoretical studies. Islam and European modernity in historical perspective : towards a cosmopolitan perspective / Gerard Delanty ; Islam, gender and citizenship : uneasy encounters in Europe / Deniz Kandiyoti ; Islam : Western modes of use and abuse / Stephanos Pesmazoglou ; Islam, pluralism and politics : what is the effect of globalisation? / Jeffrey Haynes ; Europeanisation and de-Europeanisation of Islam / Sia Anagnostopoulou -- Part 2: Case studies. Islam and the European Union : exploring the issue of discrimination / Çağla E. Aykaç ; From Polish Muslims to Muslims in Poland : there and back / Katarzyna Górak-Sosnowska ; Imagining Islam : European encounters with the Muslim world through the lens of German textbooks / Gerdien Jonker ; Teaching integration in the Netherlands : Islam, imams and the secular government / Welmoet Boender ; Institutionalising British and Italian Islam : attitudes and policies / Sara Silvestri ; The transformation of Islamism and changing perceptions of Europe in Turkey / Kenan Çayır.

PurposeThis field study aims to investigate the interactive relationships of millennial employee's gender, supervisor's gender and country culture on the conflict-management strategies (CMS) in ten countries (USA, China, Turkey, Germany, Bangladesh, Portugal, Pakistan, Italy, Thailand and Hong Kong).Design/methodology/approachThis exploratory study extends past research by examining the interactive effects of gender × supervisor's gender × country on the CMS within a single generation of workers, millennials. The Rahim Organizational Conflict Inventory–II, Form A was used to assess the use of the five CMS (integrating, obliging, dominating, avoiding and compromising). Data analysis found CMS used in the workplace are associated with the interaction of worker and supervisor genders and the national context of their work.FindingsData analysis (N= 2,801) was performed using the multivariate analysis of covariance with work experience as a covariate. The analysis provided support for the three-way interaction. This interaction suggests how one uses the CMS depends on self-gender, supervisor's gender and the country where the parties live. Also, the covariate – work experience – was significantly associated with CMS.Research limitations/implicationsOne of the limitations of this study is that the authors collected data from a collegiate sample of employed management students in ten countries. There are significant implications for leading global teams and training programs for mid-level millennials.Practical implicationsThere are various conflict situations where one conflict strategy may be more appropriate than others. Organizations may have to change their policies for recruiting employees who are more effective in conflict management.Social implicationsConflict management is not only important for managers but it is also important for all human beings. Individuals handle conflict every day and it would be really good if they could handle it effectively and improve their gains.Originality/valueTo the best of the authors' knowledge, no study has tested a three-way interaction of variables on CMS. This study has a wealth of information on CMS for global managers.