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The new millennium has drawn renewed attention to Muslim presence in Australia despite the fact that the links between Muslims and the continent predate the European settlement. A complex set of informational, institutional, and political factors have shaped multiple identities of Muslims in the country with the set of views and identities ranging from orthodox to more modernist interpretations of what it means to be a Muslim in a majority non-Muslim state. The complexity is consistently being reinforced and rendered more complex due to the emergence of organizations, groups and forces that present what they assume to be the 'definitive' view of Islam. The phenomenon exists in both Muslim and non-Muslim communities in Australia. Among Muslims, this diversity has expressed itself, among other issues, with reference to national days that have come to symbolize Australian identity. This article will explore this diversity of views and responses with reference to Australia Day celebrations and the ANZAC Day. It argues that despite the presence of ideas promoting a global caliphate of Islam, as well as a tendency to present an essentialist nature of Islam and Muslims, the responses by Muslim communities in Australia have differed with respect to these national days—an indication of the flaws inherent in conceiving Muslim presence as a singular identity in Australia.

This paper locates the study of Jamat‐ud‐Da'wa (JUD) within the context of global political developments. Premised on the nexus between the local and the global developments, it discusses how changes in the domestic or international arena shaped the policies of JUD after 9/11. It argues that, as a successor to the Lashker‐e‐Toiba in Pakistan, the JUD has been active in the social welfare space. It has moved into roles that reside in the domain of the state's responsibility but have passed to the private sector due to the state's failure to meet the needs of its citizens, including the provision of education and relief and rescue efforts after natural disasters. Though not categorically identified as being part of the jihadi agenda, this activism increases the appeal of the JUD among Pakistani citizens, with a possibility of increasing their declared and/or active support for JUD's views on Pakistan's foreign policy.

The paper explores the nature of Muslim women's activism before and after the terrorist attacks on the United States in September 2001. Drawing on the information gathered since the early 1990s, it argues that the focus on Muslim militancy has prompted Muslim women living in Western Australia to become more active citizens. The emerging activism is following two diverse directions: some Muslim women favour orthodox interpretations of Islam as guides to citizenship, whereas others favour a more liberal/moderate approach to being a Muslim and a citizen in Australia. Governmental agencies, it suggests, need to appreciate and take into account this diversity of views and approaches among Muslim women when designing their strategies for engaging Muslims living under their jurisdiction.

This article discusses the mixed responses the Bush Doctrine has faced by groups both in India & Pakistan. Not only do differences exist between the two states, but groups within these states also have varying understandings of the meaning & impact of the Bush Doctrine. Positive responses within States are used to elicit US support, while neither State overly commits to the Doctrine, as is evident in their views on unilateralism, multilateralism, pre-emption, & deterrence. These differences have played a role in shaping foreign policies adopted by India & Pakistan to events unfolding in South Asia as well as relations between India & Pakistan. D. Miller