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Religion has played a prominent role in Israel's history. The country was founded in 1948 with a declaration of being a Jewish state, not only a state for the Jews. This definition has been the source of two thorny problems. The first involves the relations between state and religion, the second the relationship between two communities, namely, the secular majority and the religious minority. The two books under review tackle these problems in a fascinating manner. They complement each other by presenting different aspects of the intricate religious issue in Israel. They also contradict each other by offering conflicting conclusions based on historical and contemporary analysis.

The evolution of parties portrays a shift from civil society to the state, the culmination of which is the cartel party. Previous research has noted the vulnerabilities of the cartel model, emanating from processes originating in civil society. This study, based on the Israeli case, relates the weakness of the cartel not to challenges from without, but to its own vulnerabilities. The shortage of resources, the fragmentation of the party system and the decline of established parties are inherent to the cartel. Solutions to these maladies are sought in civil society in the framework of the post-cartel party. Taking advantage of developments occurring in the post-individualistic society, parties penetrate civil society by allying with voluntary associations and by stimulating politics of identity. The new, post-cartel, type of party combines the organizational benefits of the cartel while at the same time returning to grassroots social forces.

The evolution of parties portrays a shift from civil society to the state, the culmination of which is the cartel party. Previous research has noted the vulnerabilities of the cartel model, emanating from processes originating in civil society. This study, based on the Israeli case, relates the weakness of the cartel not to challenges from without, but to its own vulnerabilities. The shortage of resources, the fragmentation of the party system & the decline of established parties are inherent to the cartel. Solutions to these maladies are sought in civil society in the framework of the post-cartel party. Taking advantage of developments occurring in the post-individualistic society, parties penetrate civil society by allying with voluntary associations & by stimulating politics of identity. The new, post-cartel, type of party combines the organizational benefits of the cartel while at the same time returning to grassroots social forces. 2 Tables, 49 References. [Copyright 2001 Sage Publications Ltd.]

Das Verhältnis zwischen Staat und Interessengruppen in Israel wird an den Kriterien der drei idealtypischen Modelle - Pluralismus, Korporatismus, Elitenherrschaft (parteienorientiert) - gemessen. Die Analyse zeigt, daß in Israel Elemente aller drei Modelle zu finden sind. (DÜI-Hns)

This article discusses the regulation of interest groups by the state in four democracies: two liberal, namely Australia and Canada, and two nonliberal, namely Israel and Turkey. The analysis centers on five questions: the scope of regulation, its causes, public reaction to regulation, implementation of regulation, and its impact on state and society. The article suggests that the type of regime does make a difference regarding all parameters of regulation. Liberal democracies tend to regulate strategy of interest groups; regulation is caused by fear of undue associational pressure exerted on decision‐makers. The public tends to be hostile to regulation; implementation is strict, but impact on both interest groups and society is modest. Nonliberal democracies tend to regulate interest groups' structure. Regulation is caused by fear of subversion and threats to the state's survival. The public is compliant disregarding regulation. Implementation is lax and impact may be potentially substantial. These hypotheses were largely confirmed in the four cases under consideration.

Examines the transitions in Israeli society caused by the changing reactions of the Israeli government to political interest groups. Government response strategies are described as comprising three consecutive phases: (1) active inclusion of interest groups in Israeli political life; (2) a shift to active exclusion, through policies such as the Law of Associations, which mandated state surveillance of interest group activities; & (3) the present retreat to policies of passive exclusion. Predicted implications for the near future are discussed: a rise in the number of civic organizations; a change in the nature of civil society; & changes in the legitimization, political access, strategies, & impact of special interest groups. Adapted from the source document.

Civil society in Israel evolved in three phases as a response to state strategies. In the first phase, the state, aided by a fundamental vision and disciplined political parties, adopted a strategy of active inclusion, based on comprehensive mobilization of social actors. In the second phase, the state shifted to active exclusion, delegitimizing challenging groups such as the feminists and social protest movements. The Law of Associations, mandating state surveillance of groups' organization and activities, consolidated active exclusion. In the third phase, the state shifted to passive exclusion, decreasing its interference with civil society. Consequently, six developments on the social scene are discernible: a rise in the number of civic organizations, a change in the nature of civil society, a change in associations' strategies, a change in their access to decision makers, a change in their impact, and their legitimation.