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L'incontestable échec de l'OTAN en Afghanistan renvoie à de multiples facteurs : définition tardive de la mission ; tâches multiples de sécurisation, reconstruction, aide au développement, formation de l'armée ; confrontation asymétrique nouvelle ; cohésion imparfaite entre alliés… L'effet négatif sur la réputation de l'Alliance est clair. Celle-ci doit redéfinir sa stratégie autour de sa mission prioritaire de sécurisation en Europe et des formes de conflits hybrides qui s'annoncent.

Donner à comprendre le sens de la mission, l'exposer publiquement, relever les contradictions et les incertitudes qui l'entourent, évaluer avec pertinence sa durée, et donc l'ampleur des ressources qui devront être mobilisées pour atteindre les objectifs fixés, reconnaître les risques qu'elle induit, constitue un ensemble d'impératifs qui pourraient faire reculer, ou au moins hésiter. Pourtant, la démocratie exige le « dire » des engagements des armées accomplis au nom des Français et pour les protéger.

Les opinions publiques des démocraties exercent un « contrôle asymétrique » sur les opérations militaires, qui pèse sur la liberté de décision de tout gouvernement. En Afghanistan, la population civile est désormais considérée comme l'acteur déterminant dont la confiance doit être restaurée. Les opérations elles-mêmes doivent y contribuer et faire basculer l'incertitude du côté de l'adversaire. Cependant, pour être efficient, ce changement de référentiel doit pouvoir affronter l'incertitude, les risques et la durée des opérations. Il requiert, pour être intelligible, tant des Afghans que de nos opinions publiques, un investissement politique permanent, condition d'un rapport de proximité entre soldats et citoyens. La compréhension des processus de globalisation des risques et des menaces est à ce prix.

Comment les Français voient-ils le monde ? Que pensent-ils de la politique étrangère de leur pays ? Du rôle joué par les Etats-Unis, par l'Union européenne, par la Russie ou par la Chine ? Pensent-ils que la France a encore une influence sur la scène mondiale ? Quelles sont pour eux les nouvelles menaces mettant en péril leur sécurité ? Le 11 septembre a-t-il changé leur regard sur l'étranger proche ou lointain ? A toutes ces questions, Jean-François Bureau tente de répondre en analysant de nombreux sondages et enquêtes d'opinion réalisés en France, en Europe ou aux Etats-Unis. D'un côté, les Français semblent se méfier du monde, en avoir peur. De l'autre, c'est dans l'Europe qu'ils placent leurs espoirs de pouvoir maîtriser encore les évolutions globales qu'ils ont trop l'impression de subir. Et ils ne semblent plus trouver dans l'exception française en matière de défense ou de politique étrangère de quoi les rassurer quant au destin de leur pays, dont ils savent la puissance déclassée.

French Military Reform : a Change of Identity, by Jean-François Bureau
Since the end of the cold war France has entered a full-fledged reappraisal of her defense doctrine and organization. The « deterring manœuvre » has ceased to be the core of her strategy, a new priority being confered on limited military opérations, most of them with the allies : in Europe, the significance of the « French exceptionalism » is no longer the same. After the Gulf war, the constitution of mobile, flexible and multipurpose forces has received more attention ; their interservices dimension still needs to be enhanced. Under pressure from past financial commitments, decisions taken in 1995 illustrate the difficulty to adjust ends and means. The end of draft leads to a new model for armed forces with a strong reduction in size, whereas the eut in of defense expenditure creates a lasting constraint that is bound to require different relations between decision-makers. The culture and « specificity » of the military institution are jeopardized. France is changing her usual relations with military might.

Attachment theory is considered an explanatory framework for understanding non-suicidal self-injury. Despite theoretical postulations, few studies have examined links between romantic attachment and its interconnected systems (the caregiving and sexual systems) and self-injury. This study investigated whether self-injurious thoughts and behaviours could be predicted by the functioning of the three systems. Two-hundred and sixty-three young adults participated in the study. Results revealed that participants endorsing self-injurious thoughts experience greater attachment anxiety and avoidance, controlling and compulsive romantic caregiving behaviours, and lower sexual satisfaction than participants with no thoughts. Conversely, findings indicate that the behavioural systems did not predict self-injurious behaviours. Such findings suggest that dimensions of the three interrelated behavioural systems hold unique roles in understanding young adult self-injurious thoughts, and that the constructs that predict self-injurious thoughts may differ from those that predict self-injurious behaviours.

AbstractIt is well known that parenthood can be particularly stressful. However, less is known about the stability of parenting stress across children's developmental periods. Certain correlates to parenting stress, such as coparenting support between parents, also appear to play a crucial role in childrearing. The current study aims to shed light on the longitudinal associations between parenting stress during the preschool and school years, along with the moderating effect of coparenting support in this association. Eighty‐two heterosexual couples who are parents completed the Parenting Stress Index at Time 1 and Time 2 and the Coparenting Relationship Scale at Time 2. Actor‐Partner path analyses revealed that greater parenting stress in each parent was related to their partner's greater parenting stress at each time point, but only to their own greater parenting stress 5 years later. The association between fathers' parenting stress at both time points was weaker in fathers who reported greater coparenting support from their partner. Helping parents reduce their parenting stress and learn to support each other effectively as coparents may be important parenting intervention avenues.

AbstractMothers and fathers who experience parenting stress are more likely to show symptoms of distress, such as elevated levels of anxiety and/or depression. Identifying the buffering or exacerbating factors that might moderate the association between parenting stress and general distress can help inform theoretical models aimed at better understanding the reality faced by parents during challenging times, as well as improve intervention strategies. The objective of this study was to examine whether coparenting quality plays a moderating role in the association between parenting stress and general distress in parents of children in middle childhood. Eighty‐one couples were asked to complete questionnaires pertaining to their levels of parenting stress, the quality of their coparenting relationship, and their symptoms of distress. Using an Actor–Partner Interdependence Moderation Model, our results revealed that elevated levels of parenting stress were associated with elevated levels of general distress, whereas higher scores of coparenting quality were associated with fewer symptoms of distress. Our results also showed a moderating role for coparenting quality in the association between actor parenting stress and actor/partner distress. These findings highlight the importance of pursuing the investigation of dyadic effects within personal relationships.