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For African states' democratic governance is fundamental for developmental and political discourse while sustainable development is also critical for the continent. Owing to the uneven developmental and historical backgrounds of the African states and democratic deficits it is unclear if sustainable development is achievable ahead of democracy. This study is informed by the constructivist/interpretivist concern as a research philosophy grounded on text and content analysis to identify the nexus between development and democracy on the trail of Africa's development agenda. While some scholars believe the two are interdependent others claim that the two are independent hence one can be achieved in the absence of the other. Africa should strive to strike a balance between the two as they are not mutually exclusive although it is democracy that should take centre stage. There is a challenge of achieving twin goals in the absence of a blueprint through being robustly innovative.

It is a daunting task to restore dispossessed land after armed conflicts. Burundi is stuck in this quagmire following years of violent conflicts. Although land restitution is meant to pacify nationals, this depends on the prevailing political, economic, and social circumstances. This study explores these circumstances focused on the armed conflict legacies in Burundi and the disparities between those people who stayed put when violent conflict erupted and displaced people who got back home. The study reveals that in post-Burundi conflict, redressing land issues could flop if governance challenges, trust, and shifting dynamics of politics are inadequately dealt with.

For African states' democratic governance is fundamental for developmental and political discourse while sustainable development is also critical for the continent. Owing to the uneven developmental and historical backgrounds of the African states and democratic deficits it is unclear if sustainable development is achievable ahead of democracy. This study is informed by the constructivist/interpretivist concern as a research philosophy grounded on text and content analysis to identify the nexus between development and democracy on the trail of Africa's development agenda. While some scholars believe the two are interdependent others claim that the two are independent hence one can be achieved in the absence of the other. Africa should strive to strike a balance between the two as they are not mutually exclusive although it is democracy that should take centre stage. There is a challenge of achieving twin goals in the absence of a blueprint through being robustly innovative.

It is a daunting task to restore dispossessed land after armed conflicts. Burundi is stuck in this quagmire following years of violent conflicts. Although land restitution is meant to pacify nationals, this depends on the prevailing political, economic, and social circumstances. This study explores these circumstances focused on the armed conflict legacies in Burundi and the disparities between those people who stayed put when violent conflict erupted and displaced people who got back home. The study reveals that in post-Burundi conflict, redressing land issues could flop if governance challenges, trust, and shifting dynamics of politics are inadequately dealt with.

This study is motivated by threats faced by Somalia and other countries in fighting terrorism. Although several studies have attempted to explain the rise and dynamics of terrorism groups particularly al-Shabaab, this work is predicated more on how the terrorist activities threaten Africa and beyond informed by how these operations are sustained. This study aims to investigate threats to the continent and beyond by Al-Shabab and Fundamental Terrorism in Somalia. In this study, a content analysis was used on quantitative and qualitative data obtained from publicly available datasets and secondary sources of research work on terrorism. The main contribution of this study is that, terrorism by the al-Shabaab is highly organized and that by skirting direct combat, the group has the potential for sustained fighting episodes despite waged campaigns to deter its spread. This is exacerbated by the reluctance to deploy many infantry forces from conventional armies to deal with the situation. The study may be useful to policymakers, terrorism experts, and scholars in accelerating measures of counter-terrorism.

Zimbabwe's state-owned enterprises (SOEs) have a significant role to play in providing service delivery for basics like electricity, health, water, transport and communication. With such socio-economic importance, it is imperative that any SOE should be, transparent, accountable, effective, efficient, profitable and sustainable. However, incompetent performance has stalked most of the country's SOEs and the National Railways of Zimbabwe (NRZ) has not been an exception. It has been caught up with successive failures and forced to rely heavily on grants from government for its sustainability. This study sought to identify the challenges in the NRZ and suggest measures to solve them and sustain the entity. A descriptive research design was employed based on a critical review and analysis of extant literature. The information and data used in this study were obtained mainly from the audit reports, research and media reports on this enterprise. Issues of governance, accountability and transparency are examined. Polices in place for good corporate governance and monitoring meant to provide guidance, and sustainability are critiqued. In light of the challenges and gaps identified in running the NRZ, recommendations to revamp the system operations are given. A field for further research is suggested which could direct future management controls.

Following a period close to fifteen years of fighting the extremist terrorist group Al Qaeda in Pakistan and Afghanistan, the United States (US) is faced with diverse security threats from affiliates of Al Qaeda in Africa. This study explores the extent of Al Qaeda's presence in Africa, security threat and policy implications to the US. A qualitative methodology through document analysis and informed by the interpretivist research paradigm was employed. With Al Qaeda's continued growth, there could be nuclear terrorism, arms and drug trafficking among other threats. Policy recommendations are given for the United States of America.

Since independence, Burundi has endured civil war episodes, five successful and two unsuccessful coup d'états. The instability resulted in the collapse of the economy despite the consummation of the Arusha Agreement. This study moves away from the propensity to only view the security challenges as pitting Tutsis and Hutus. Such an analytical tendency generates distortions. This study was qualitative and employed a systematic review research methodology in identifying relevant texts. Document analysis was then used to interpret meaning from documents giving them voice over the study area. The main findings were hinged on conflict causes, key assumptions, violence and instability in the past, impunity and governance, the approach to political realism, truth and reconciliation constraints. This study concludes that although power-sharing could be a necessary move as a measure of building confidence, sharing power is not an adequate condition for sustainable development and peace.

Since independence, Burundi has endured civil war episodes, five successful and two unsuccessful coup d'états. The instability resulted in the collapse of the economy despite the consummation of the Arusha Agreement. This study moves away from the propensity to only view the security challenges as pitting Tutsis and Hutus. Such an analytical tendency generates distortions. This study was qualitative and employed a systematic review research methodology in identifying relevant texts. Document analysis was then used to interpret meaning from documents giving them voice over the study area. The main findings were hinged on conflict causes, key assumptions, violence and instability in the past, impunity and governance, the approach to political realism, truth and reconciliation constraints. This study concludes that although power-sharing could be a necessary move as a measure of building confidence, sharing power is not an adequate condition for sustainable development and peace.

Modern Sudan (North and South) has not enjoyed lasting peace. Sudan's civil wars have been perceived to be primarily caused by its ethnic and tribal groups. This study uses a qualitative approach to analyze secondary data on the disputants and the causes of their conflicts. It demystifies the concepts of ethnicity and tribalism in order to examine why the conflicts appear to be unending in Sudan's two republics. The findings reveal that the conflicts are not rooted in the identities of Sudan's people. Their conflicts are about political autonomy, the distribution of the wealth derived from their scarce resources, issues of governance, and disputes over political boundaries.

This article makes an assessment of policy initiatives on traditional leadership to promote electoral democracy in South Africa, Zimbabwe and Namibia in order to provide intervention mechanisms. In Southern Africa reports of abuse of the institution of traditional leadership by political parties during elections have manifested in various forms resulting in public outcry. The study is done through a review of domestic Constitutions and policies in place for traditional leadership in the selected countries. The study shows that Namibia allows traditional leaders to hold political offices, while two other countries do not allow that. Zimbabwe clearly forbids traditional leaderships to meddle in partisan politics through the national Constitution. South Africa is not very clear in the national Constitution although it forbids through a white paper. The study concludes that traditional leaders must use their influence to encourage people to make electoral choices independently and guard against political party manipulations. It invites governments to provide enabling legal frameworks that stimulate traditional leadership to be non-partisan and promote electoral democracy. DOI:10.5901/mjss.2015.v6n1s1p120

This article reflects on efforts by African countries to employ election observation assessments through domestic and international observers based on the obligation to comply with public international law. There are mixed feelings among voters, politicians and civil society organisations about the objectivity of election observation reports. This paper argues that basing election observation reports on legal commitments from public international law using the obligations-based approach articulated by the Cater Centre may enhance objectivity. The study is a content analysis of the obligations-based approach and observation reports made in selected African countries. Results indicate contradictions on findings of the same election by different international observers. An integrated obligations-approach framework on election observation should be developed by the African Union, and other international bodies in Africa. This may strengthen voter confidence and improve electoral democracy in the continent. DOI:10.5901/mjss.2015.v6n1s1p272